Iran in World History


particular for enforcing the Persian practice of prostration by anyone



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Iran in World History ( PDFDrive )


particular for enforcing the Persian practice of prostration by anyone 
entering his presence.
After his death, Alexander’s provincial governors vied to enlarge 
their respective territories. Ptolemy, the satrap of Egypt, declared 
independence in 320, establishing a dynasty that would rule until 
the death of Cleopatra VII in 30 bce. In 312 bce, the satrap of 
Mesopotamia, Seleucus Nicator, followed Ptolemy’s example and 
declared his independence as well. Seleucus used this vital region as 
a base for expansion both east and west, and soon brought much of 
the former Macedonian Empire under his control. For the next three 
centuries his descendants, the Seleucids, administered a Hellenistic 
state that at its peak included most of the territories where Iranian 
peoples lived, from Anatolia, the Caucasus, and Babylonia to Central 
Asia and the Indus Valley.
Seleucus followed Alexander’s precedent by taking an Iranian wife, 
Apama, the daughter of a Sogdian general from Central Asia, thereby 
introducing Iranian blood into the line of his successors. Throughout 
the Seleucid period and for some time afterward, Greek settlers lived 
alongside Iranians and others. They built satellite towns on the Greek 
model, complete with agoras (Greek-style marketplaces), public the-
aters, and temples to the various Greek gods who were often conflated 
with local Iranian ones. This co-mingling is evident in the multireli-
gious nature of the third-century bce “Oxus temple” at Takht-e Sangin 
in what is now southern Tajikistan, where both Greek and Iranian de-
ities were worshipped. The so-called Oxus Treasure of magnificent 
gold artifacts and other precious objects, now housed in the Victoria 


I r a n i n Wo r l d H i s t o r y
26
and Albert and British Museums in London, is believed to have origi-
nated from the temple at Takht-e Sangin.
In another example of syncretism from the Seleucid period, Greek 
sculpture is thought to have stimulated the emergence of Buddhist art 
in the Gandhara region of northwest India, the meeting ground of 
Iranian and Indic cultures. In Iran proper, the proliferation of statues 
representing deities—in particular the goddess Anahita during the 
time of Artaxerxes II—is attributed to Hellenistic influence as well. 
A cult of the Greek hero Heracles became quite widespread in west-
ern Iran; a statue of him projects from the rock at Bisotun not far 
from Darius’s royal inscription. Farther west, the Seleucid city of 
Dura-Europos on the Euphrates River (in what is now eastern Syria) 
was a melting pot of Greeks, Romans, Syrians, Jews, and Persians. In 
addition to Judaism, Zoroastrianism, and Mithraism, various pagan 
cults co-existed, each leaving traces in the form of inscriptions and 
iconography.
Despite the hybrid culture that flourished under the Seleucids, their 
authority was constantly threatened from all sides. This threat included 
the increasing power of Rome in the West and that of the Indian Mauryas 
in the East, as well as frequent local revolts from within. As early as 
250 bce the Greek satrap of Bactria, Diodotus I, declared indepen-
dence from the Seleucids and established a Graeco-Bactrian kingdom 
that survived for a little more than a century. Numerous Hellenistic 
remains have been found at sites in northern Afghanistan, especially 
at Ay Khanum where the ruins of Alexandria-on-the-Oxus have been 
excavated. The city’s layout is typically Greek, including a theater and 
a gymnasium—along with an architecturally Zoroastrian Temple of 
Zeus, further evidence of the blending of Greek and Iranian religion 
that had taken place in the region.
Both the idea of paradise, conceived as a garden, and the symbol of 
the halo, which was originally an indication of divine investiture, were 
transmitted to the West as a result of Persian contact with the Greeks 
and are attested through countless examples in religion, art, and archi-
tecture. These Iranian notions date back at least to the Achaemenid 
period if not earlier.
The English word “paradise” traces back, through French, Latin, 
and Greek, to the Avestan term 
pairi daeza
, which meant “walled 
enclosure.” Since the ancient Iranians were pioneers in the irrigation 
of arid lands through their system of underground channels (
qanat
s), it 
is not surprising that they perceived their gardens as islands of heaven 
in the desert. The Achaemenids saw the construction of gardens as a 


I r a n a n d t h e G r e e k s
27
way of improving the world, which is a central ethical imperative in 
Zoroastrianism.
The typical Iranian garden is a quadrangle transected into smaller 
squares by straight channels of running water. This design (called 
chahar bagh
in Persian) can be seen on pottery dating as far back as 
four thousand years. After the Arab conquests in the seventh century, 
Muslim settlers built Iranian gardens throughout their new empire, 
stretching across North Africa and into Andalusia (southern Spain). 
The Spanish and Portuguese later introduced the Iranian garden design 
into the Western Hemisphere, where it can be seen throughout Latin 
America and places such as New Orleans in the United States. Persian 
carpets often feature complex garden designs—a way of bringing para-
dise into the home.
Eram (“Heaven”) Garden in Shiraz was built in the mid-nineteenth century. 
The Old Persian term 
pairi daeza
—adopted into Greek as 
paradaisos
—referred 
to a walled garden, and since ancient times Iranian gardens have served as a 
metaphor for paradise on earth. The model of the Persian garden, consisting 
of quadrangles bisected by channels of running water, spread to India, Central 
Asia, and North Africa, and from there the Spanish and Portuguese took it to 
the New World. 
Photo by author


I r a n i n Wo r l d H i s t o r y
28
The symbol of the halo, which like the notion of paradise became 
highly visible in Christianity and Islam, derives from the ancient Iranian 
concept of 
khvaraneh
, or divine blessing. As early as the Young Avesta 
around the eighth century bce, 
khvaraneh
is associated with the divine 
right of kingship. In other words, in Iranian tradition—as in numerous 
other Indo-European traditions including the English—kings rule as 
regents of the divine, though not as gods in their own right as in Egypt, 
for example. If they do not rule justly, this charisma will leave them and 
attach itself to another.
In Iranian art, 
khvaraneh
is symbolized by light radiating around 
the head of the king. The Greeks and Romans borrowed both the con-
cept (Greek 
tyche basileos
; Latin 
fortuna regia
) and the symbolism, later 
leading to the use of halos to signify holy figures in Christianity. Later 
still, Islamic art represented 
khvaraneh
(or 
farr
, in modern Persian) not 
by a golden ring about the head but as fire; it is used to designate pro-
phetic status, adorning images of such figures as Adam, Noah, Joseph, 
Muhammad, and others.


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