Tatjana Subotin-Golubović
University of Belgrade, Faculty of Philosophy, Belgrade, Serbia;
tsubotin@f.bg.ac.rs
The Ohrid Layer in the Liturgical Practice of the Serbian Orthodox Church
The history of early religious service in the Serbian church remains shrouded in mystery.
Reliable information appears only after the Serbian church had become autocephalous. Until
recently, it was believed that the earliest Serbian manuscripts were two gospels: Miroslav’s Gospel
(circa 1185/95) and the gospel commissioned for Prince Vukan, Stefan Nemanja’s eldest son (circa
1200). Studies published in recent years have significantly altered and extended our knowledge about
the earliest period of Serbian literacy. The medieval Serbian literary language, as well as Serbian
literacy as a whole, was built on the foundations laid in the 9
th
century by Byzantine missionaries
Constantine (Cyril) (†869) and his brother Methodius (†885). Recent research of early specimens
of Slavonic literacy have confirmed that all important elements of the early form of the Serbian
Church Slavonic language had already been formed and present in one of the oldest preserved
examples of Slavonic literacy – the
Codex Marianus
, written in the Glagolitic script in the late 10
th
or early 11
th
century. In this context, it is important to note an epigraphic specimen – the
Temnić
inscription
which is believed to have been created in the 10
th
or 11
th
century and also shares some
features of the early Serbian recension; in addition, it contains some names from the group of the
Forty Martyrs of Sebaste. Several fragments written in the Serbian Church Slavonic have been
preserved from the 12
th
century and date from the first half or the middle of this century. These
are the
Gršković fragment
and
Mihanović fragment
, both of which contain excerpts from the text of
the second most important liturgical book of the New Testament – the Acts of the Apostles. In our
studies of menaions (hymnographic anthologies containing services to the saints on the fixed dates
of the calendar), we have discovered two fragments from two different menaions and have dated
them to the last quarter of the 12
th
century. All of this has led us to thoughts about the liturgical
books and rituals that must have been in use in Serbian lands in the 11
th
and 12
th
century. Since the
fragmentary nature of extant material requires a special approach and a comparative analysis in
relation to other (Russian and Bulgarian) preserved examples with a similar content from an older
period, we have based our research on the diachronic approach.
On the territory of Nemanja’s state (and certainly before this time), there must have existed
some sort of ecclesiastical organization in Serbian lands. An interesting piece of information –
and also a clue to the correct direction of our reasoning – is the peace treaty and godfather ties
established between the Serbian archon Peter and the Bulgarian archon Simeon (897/8). This
information suggests that a baptismal ceremony was performed, leading to the question where
this ritual could have taken place. The first location that comes to mind is St. Peter’s Church in
the region of Ras. And to perform the rite at all, the appropriate book would have been needed –
an Euchologion (book of prayers). It is important to note that this book, known in the Byzantine
Empire as the Euchologion, contained the Liturgy of St. John Chrysostom, the Liturgy of St. Basil
and the Liturgy of the Presanctified Gifts, as well as the rites that make up the contents of the Book of
Prayers (the Small Euchologion or Trebnik), including the rite of baptism. In the liturgical practice
of Orthodox Slavs, this book was divided into two parts: Leiturgiarion (Služabnik) and the Book
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of Prayers (Trebnik). It is believed that some parts of the Trebnik were translated into the Slavonic
language as early as the time of Cyril and Methodius. In the context of missionary activities of the
Thessaloniki missionaries, the rite of baptism is certainly the most important among the rites of the
Trebnik. This could easily be the first intimation of the use of a liturgical book, probably a book in
Slavonic in Serbian lands. After the Battle of Anchialus (917), the political circumstances led to the
brief dependence of Serbian lands on Bulgaria; hence, it is possible that at this time the Bulgarian
influence had contributed to the spreading of Slavonic literacy in Serbian lands. It is important to
note that the period in question was the golden age of Bulgarian literature, which left a diverse and
abundant literary legacy to all Orthodox Slavonic peoples.
The Bulgarian state under Emperor Simeon made a great effort to conform all spheres of
life – including the very important spheres of church organization and liturgical service – to the
Constantinople models. The Bulgarian archbishopric (later Patriarchy), whose seat was located in
Preslav, introduced the Typikon of the Great Church (Agia Sophia) into its liturgy. The part of the
Serbian lands that was subordinated to the Bishopric of Ras now found itself under the jurisdiction
of this church organization. It was precisely this bishopric that could have played one of the key
roles in the spreading of liturgy in the Slavonic language and the books used in the service and
written in the Cyrillic script. Following the Byzantine conquest of Bulgaria (971), the Bishopric of
Ras was subjugated to the Greek metropolitanate seated in Drač (Durrës). The establishment of
Samuel’s empire (976) facilitated the preservation of the existing tradition of Slavonic literacy in
the Balkans. Later on, after the fall of Samuel’s state, the Bishopric of Ras was made subordinate
to the Archbishopric of Ohrid in 1019. The Archbishopric of Ohrid itself had preserved both the
old Slavonic worship traditions from the times of Clement († 916) and Naum of Ohrid († 910)
and the liturgical service in Greek. Scholars have suggested a periodization spanning from the 10
th
century to the first half of the 13
th
century; the third period (1037-1180) is particularly important
for our topic: during this period, the autocephalous Archbishopric of Ohrid was headed by a Greek
archbishop and bishops. The Serbian lands were also placed under the jurisdiction of Ohrid. The
lower-level clerics must have included some Slavs, who probably performed services in Slavonic
areas in the Slavonic language, since it would have made little sense to use a language that the flock
did not understand. The political situation throughout the 11
th
century and the first half of the 12
th
century determined the status of the church in Serbian lands or, more precisely, in the region of Ras.
A not insignificant role in the political situation that favored the consolidation of Slavonic worship
services was played by the relationship of the Ohrid archbishops with the grand zhupans of Serbia;
particularly noteworthy were the efforts of John (Adrian) Komnenos, the Arhcbishop of Ohrid in
the third quarter of the 12
th
century.
Except the aforementioned 12
th
-century fragments, there are no reliable sources that could
help us to shed more light on the questions concerning early worship services in Serbian lands. The
comparative and diachronic approach used in our studies is dictated by the nature of examined
manuscripts (hymnographic anthologies) and the texts contained therein.
Since our research is primarily concerned with menaions and, if a need to systematically
integrate the extant material presents itself, other hymnographic anthologies (octoechos and
triodions), we have directed our intention to the contents and textological characteristics of some
services, believing that their presence in the Serbian liturgical books is crucial for our attempts at
reconstructing the liturgical practice of periods for which there are no extant written sources.
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The oldest Serbian menaion is Manuscript No. 647 of the National Library of Serbia in Belgrade.
This document is a convolute – a manuscript composed of several separate parts created independent-
ly of each other, sometimes even at different times and at some point joined together. The manuscript
is composed of four parts, with the oldest dating from the second quarter of the 13
th
century and the
last from the second quarter of the 14
th
and mid-14
th
century. The oldest part contains akolouthiai for
September, October and November. The oldest preserved Russian manaions (late 11
th
– early 12
th
cen-
tury) contain services for the same months, and are therefore suitable for comparing with the Serbian
material. A comparative study of these materials has revealed that there are significant differences in
the structure of the services, although their contents are almost identical. The services in the Russian
manuscripts begin with sessional stichera (the faithful are seated - sedalen) and are followed by the
other parts of the liturgy with no distinction between Vespers and Matins
(evening and morning ser-
vices). This structure is shared by the oldest Greek menaions dating from the 10
th
century. By contrast,
the services in the manuscript No. 647 NLS do make a clear distinction between Vespers and Matins.
However, the services in the Serbian manuscript are shorter and contain fewer texts than Russian
manuscripts. It could be assumed that the model for NLS 647 had been an archaic manuscript from
the peripheral parts of the liturgical area we are discussing. The Serbian menaion – roughly dated to
the first half of the 13
th
century and conserved in the collection of the Bulgarian monastery on Mount
Athos (Zographou I e 7) – contains parts of services with the same archaic structural characteristics
shared by the aforementioned Russian menaions; the services from September 22 to the end of the
month all begin with a sessional. The scribe seems to have made a compilation of different models; of
course, it is possible that the manuscript he was transcribing was already composed in this manner.
The Canon of Andrew the Apostle (Prōtoklētos or First-Called) by Naum of Ohrid was discovered in
this manuscript. The authorship was determined based on the acrostic in the 9
th
ode which spells out
his name – NAUM. The oldest Serbian festal menaion – Manuscript No. 361 in the SASA Archives
from the mid-13
th
century – differs from the two aforementioned Serbian menaions in that its ser-
vices are less developed, which would suggest an earlier time of creation; however, the structure of its
services strongly resembles that of the services in NLS 647. The second part of SASA 361 contains an
abridged Festal Triodion (Pentecostarion).
Faced with a lack of other sources, we have focused on the textological characteristics of some
services in this manuscript and their structure. In this regard, the extant Russian material offers a good
foundation for this approach. The Serbian and Russian menaions from this oldest period both contain
a number of texts written during the First Bulgarian Empire. Two names are associated with Ohrid –
Clement and Naum of Ohrid. Although this discussion concerns the legacy of Ohrid in the liturgical
practice of medieval Serbia, we cannot ignore an author from Preslav - Presbyter Constantine, whose
works also feature in the Serbian manuscripts. This means that Constantine’s works were also includ-
ed in the hymnographic repertoire in the liturgical books of the South Slavs. Clement was a prolific
writer, and many of his works have been preserved in Serbian manuscripts, where the oldest known
copies of some of his canons were discovered. Our Bulgarian colleague Georgi Popov has discovered
the Canon for the
Sunday of Pentecost
in SANU 361; another two copies of this canon were found in
Serbian triodions dating from the 13
th
century: 1) St. Petersburg, PNB F. p. I. 68; 2) Sofia, NBKM 202.
The triodion manuscript tradition among the Slavs is particularly interesting. The triodion is believed
to have been translated into Slavonic by Clement of Ohrid; in addition, he obviously added some of
his own writings to the book. The first part of the SANU 361 manuscript (festal menaion) can be seen
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as an anthology of early Slavonic ecclesiastical poetry; some of the services include: the canon to the
Archangel Michael by Constantine of Preslav, the canon of Nativity by the same author, Clement’s
canons to Euthymius the Great and the Presentation of Mary, as well as two cycles of Clement’s alpha-
betical stichera. The composition of some services in this manuscript reveals an uninterrupted link
between Clement’s time and the Serbian 13
th
century. Manuscript No. 32 from the Decani Monastery
(1320s-1330s) contains Clement’s canon to St. Apollinaris of Ravenna.
The presence of hymnographic texts written by Clement of Ohrid for the Octoechos has been
noticed in some older Serbian manuscripts. Troparia from Clement’s Canon of Repentance of the sixth
mode have been identified in each one of the Canon of Repentance for the sixth mode in a Serbian
Octoechos from the mid-14
th
century (Harvard, Houghton Library, cod. slav. 2 = manuscript No. 213 in
the old collection of the National Library in Belgrade). In the canons for the first, fifth, sixth and eighth
mode on Tuesday, troparia from Clement’s canons to John the Forerunner have been discovered.
In the context of our attempts at uncovering the liturgical patterns of early Serbian liturgical
services, a special place belongs to the cult of Saint Achillius of Larissa, the patron saint of the
cathedral church of Samuel’s patriarchy. After his conquest of Larissa, Samuel translated the relics
of Achillius to his capital on Little Prespa. His cult quickly spread on the entire territory under the
jurisdiction of Samuel’s Patriarchy of Ohrid, prompting the need for the translation of services
dedicated to this saint into the Slavonic language. The Greek manuscript dating from 1047 and
kept at the Great Lavra Monastery on Mount Athos (Г 19) could have been used the source for this
translation. A Serbian copy of this service has been preserved in the aforementioned manuscript
SASA 361. As the cathedral church of the Bishopric of Moravica – one of the bishoprics under
Sava’s Serbian autocephalous church – was dedicated to Saint Achillius, we can assume that this
manuscript was created for the needs of this church. The present-day town of Arilje is located at the
spot where the erstwhile monastery of St. Achillius once stood.
After securing autocephaly for his church, Saint Sava began the process of codifying the liturgical
practices in the Serbian church to mirror the services he had encountered during his sojourn on Mount
Athos and visits to Constantinople and Palestine. The process of modernizing the liturgical practice
and introducing (translating) new texts was certainly long, as evidenced by the aforementioned works
of the Ohrid and Preslav hymnographic schools – albeit in abridged versions, these sporadically
survived in the hymnographic anthologies used in the Serbian church almost to the end of the 14
th
century. The textological tradition of the Ohrid and Preslav hymnographic works – regardless of
whether it was preserved in Russian or Serbian or Bulgarian manuscripts – is certainly stable. Bearing
in mind that the Serbian manuscripts have not always preserved integral texts of some compositions
(as in the case of the aforementioned Harvard Octoechos), we can safely conclude that the 13
th
century
saw the process of repressing and replacing original Slavic hymnographic works by the standardized
Byzantine repertoire. In this regard, the studies of menaions are somewhat more advanced; systematic
research of Serbian triodions and octoechos has yet to be undertaken.
The presence of Clement’s, Naum’s and Constantine’s poetic compositions in medieval
Serbian hymnographic anthologies can be seen as reliable evidence about the influence of early
Slavic liturgical services of Ohrid provenance. Menaion services in the three Serbian manuscripts
(SANU 361, NLS 647, the Zographou menaion) have mostly preserved the archaic structure of
early menaions from the Studite tradition and can hence be seen as the results of a conservative,
provincial liturgical tradition.
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In this brief overview, we have attempted to indicate the direction of our musings and attempts
to discover the characteristics of Serbian worship services before the church became autocephalous.
Due to the scope of extant material, we have chosen not to discuss Clement’s preserved occasional
and panegyrical orations dedicated to particular feasts or saints. However, one should bear in mind
that, for instance, Clement’s Panegyric to the Archangels Michael and
Gabriel
appears in a number
of Serbian manuscripts, as do some of his other panegyric compositions. Systematic research of the
presence of works from the Ohrid-Preslav production (both prose and verse) in Serbian manuscripts
could help us resolve some of these questions concerning the historical Serbian liturgy.
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