The socio-economic argument: against
Anti-official support-
ers doubt whether government time and money would really be
saved, given the cost and complexity of introducing the new law.
In particular, they question whether the legislation could possi-
bly be enforced, and point to the difficulties of giving a precise
definition to the notion of ‘official’, in relation to language, and
of making a clear and consistent distinction between ‘public’ and
‘private’ discourse. For example, would a march in support of
some minority issue be a public or private event, and would it be
permitted to carry banners in languages other than English? The
fear is that the public domain will gradually erode the private one,
ultimately threatening freedom of speech. Especially in a country
where there is a great readiness to use the courts to solve disputes,
the new law would, it is felt, cause greater complications than it
would solve, and would probably be more expensive to implement
and maintain. It might actually end up being honoured more in
the breach than in the observance, with the legislation proving
inadequate to cope with the realities of a highly complex and
dynamic social situation. An important complication is that any
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ENGLISH AS A GLOBAL LANGUAGE
new layer of federal control would also have to be implemented
alongside the individual laws enacted by several states (twenty-
seven by 2002), which already display a great deal of variation.
The ‘all-or-nothing’ view of language support is also hotly con-
tested, using the following line of reasoning. There may indeed
be no principled way of drawing a line between one group of lan-
guages and another, but it does not follow from this that nothing
should be done to help those who speak the more widely used
languages, where relatively large numbers of people would bene-
fit from receiving a modicum of support in their mother tongue.
The fields of health and safety, such as those cited above, pro-
vide a good example of areas where much more could be done
than is available at present. Some commentators have drawn at-
tention to the different situation in other countries which have
high immigrant populations. In Germany, for example, phar-
maceutical companies have to provide instruction labels in five
Gastarbeiter
(immigrant ‘guest-worker’) languages: Turkish,
Italian, Spanish, Serbo-Croatian, and Greek. They are not re-
quired to carry such labels in the several other languages currently
found in Germany, such as Russian and Polish. In this view, to in-
troduce a policy banning all such labels on the grounds that some
languages cannot be represented is felt to be absurd. It is thought
to be common sense to provide safety instructions on medicine
bottles in as many languages as is practicable, to minimize the risk
to as many people as possible. It is not feasible to help everyone
who has difficulty with English, but it is not acceptable to con-
clude from this that the government should therefore help none of
them.
Even though the moderate official-English position maintains
that it has no intention of harming ethnic identity or the natural
growth of languages other than English, anti-official supporters
claim that the withdrawal of resources and the fresh focus on
English is bound to harm the provision of services in these lan-
guages, even in areas which are supposed to be protected, such
as health care and law enforcement. It is also thought likely that
interest in foreign-language learning will further diminish, and
this is felt to be an unfortunate development at a time when the
climate in international business competitiveness and political
136
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