The Jews’ “Otherness”
In many societies, the minority “other” is perceived as mysterious, hav-
ing extraordinary powers, sometimes demonic and vicious, sometimes
possessing heavenly and benevolent capabilities. Much like the Freudian
concept of the “uncanny,” this “other” arouses fear and horror, but is also
attractive and tempting.
34
Similar perceptions were held by the Muslims
of Yemen regarding the Jews, both as individuals and as a community.
The Jews were regarded as possessing mystical-magical knowledge that
can do good but also magical knowledge that performs sorcery.
35
The
tribesmen of northern Yemen, wrote Abraham Tabib in 1932, “perceive
the Jews as a representation of godliness . . . and therefore treat them
with concealed reverence . . . , saying that whoever mistreats the Jews
will not prosper.”
36
The phenomenon of Muslim supporters of Jewish
messianic pretenders, mainly in the nineteenth century, can be under-
stood in this context. The Jewish messiahs Shukr Kuḥayl I (1861–65) and
Shukr Kuḥayl II (1868–75) were both viewed as performing wonders, as
messengers sent to announce the End of Time, and as apocalyptical anti-
messiahs whose appearance was a sign of the imminent messianic days
and the coming of the mahdi.
37
Similarly, it was widely believed that Jewish prayer, communal but
also individual, can affect rainfall (an idea known also in Jewish com-
munities in North Africa).
38
In time of drought, Muslim neighbors in
the tribal areas, even the imams of San῾a᾿, used to ask the Jews to pray
134 · Bat-Zion Eraqi Klorman
for rain (at times parallel to summoning the Muslim congregation for a
special prayer for rain).
39
These ceremonial prayers were usually con-
ducted in the Jewish cemetery, using Torah scrolls.
40
However, others
believed that Jews were capable of disrupting the climatic cycle and halt-
ing rainfall.
41
The belief in the Jews’ mysterious powers went hand in hand with
convictions that governed the daily life of Muslims and Jews in tradi-
tional Yemen: magic/sorcery (sihr), demons (jinns), the evil eye (῾ayn),
and the like.
42
Such beliefs (comparable to those which ruled the life of
believers in other societies in different times and places) relied on both
Muslim and Jewish sources.
43
Jewish demonology was thus intertwined
with Muslim demonology, creating a complex set of beliefs of a hidden
mysterious world. Because of the physical closeness and diverse coop-
eration of Jews and Muslims in the tribal sphere, which is the center of
our discussion, the assimilation of this syncretistic complex of ideas was
deeper there than in the urban arena, where the Jews lived in a special
quarter separated by walls from the Muslim city. Much like other societ-
ies, in order to somewhat manage the world, Yemeni society ascribed to
some gifted persons the ability to apply means that could protect them
from the harmful intentions of mysterious beings or, conversely, manipu-
late them to cause trouble.
44
Many such renowned experts were believed
to be Jews. Furthermore, as most of the Jewish men were literate (while
only a few of the tribesmen knew how to read and write), their literacy
was often interpreted as mastering sacred hidden knowledge. Gamli᾿eli
writes, “Yemen’s gentiles believed that the Jews, who know the book,
are great experts in this matter. Every Jewish peddler was perceived by
them as a ba῾al ḥefeṣ, capable of mastering demons and spirits and forc-
ing them to do as he pleases.”
45
Consequently, the tribesmen often asked
their Jewish acquaintances, or even unknown Jewish passers-by, many of
them peddlers, to write amulets for them.
46
A number of Torah scrolls, ḥefeṣ (literally: object), were widely believed
in Yemen to cause miracles. These scrolls attracted not only Jews but also
Muslims who sought a blessing or a cure.
47
Distinct from the sacredness
of a holy Torah scroll, which is unrelated to time and space or to a spe-
cific personality, there were powers, recognized by Jews and Muslims,
48
as embodied in the combination of a specific man and a specific book.
Such a person was known as a ba῾al ḥefeṣ, literally the owner of an object,
meaning a holy book. The book was believed to contain mystical and
Yemen: Muslim and Jewish Interactions in the Tribal Sphere · 135
magical knowledge. Only the right person could “open the book” and
apply its knowledge to perform wonders.
Also, some Jews were famous for possessing specialized magic skills
such as the ability to converse with demons. Demons known in the Mus-
lim surrounding were also active in Jewish society. Some were demons
of the house—they were neighbors of the family, lived at home, and
were active mainly at night. If not disturbed, they lived peacefully with
the people of the house. Others were demons of the outside—they were
found in the open landscape, on the roads, and near water resources.
These demons often attacked humans by surprise, intending to harm
them. A most famous demonic figure was Um al-Ṣubyan (mother of the
youth), who impersonated a woman or an animal. She scared the people
and sometimes harmed them. Often demons entered the body of a certain
individual and dominated him. In this mystic reality, Jews were known
to possess the powers to control the demons and to exorcise them from
humans, both Jews and Muslims.
49
Occasionally the Jews’ magical powers were interpreted by the tribes-
men as sorcery intended to cause damage. Our sources speak of Jews
who performed sorcery and also of Jews whose actions were incorrectly
inferred by the tribesmen as sorcery. When their evil action was “discov-
ered,” these Jews were punished. For example, ba῾al ḥefeṣ Busi Shalom
of the village Hamd Sulayman in the Shar῾ab district (who was active at
the beginning of the twentieth century) aroused the concern and fear of
the area’s tribesmen: “They sensed that something was wrong about this
Jew. They suspected that he was causing trouble with their women, that
he instigated wives to dislike their husbands and created hatred between
them. Therefore, they ambushed him on the road, tied him in a sack, and
threw him into a reservoir.”
50
The transmitting of magical knowledge from Muslim to Jew is known
in the medieval Muslim world.
51
Similarly, as Yemeni Jews also sought
the services of Muslim tribal medical experts, bodies of knowledge origi-
nating in Yemeni Muslim society in matters of magic, medicine, methods
of treatment, medical herbs, and the like were embraced by the Jews and
implemented in their practice.
52
This two-way transmission of magical
knowledge was not confined to men, but also existed between Muslim
and Jewish women. Thus the sisters Ghazal and Ḥamama of al-Jawf in
the first half of the twentieth century practiced Darb al-Fal, foretelling
the future by means of mixing stones. They learned this vocation from
136 · Bat-Zion Eraqi Klorman
a Muslim woman and thereafter became renowned professionals who
rendered their services to Jews and Muslims.
53
The Jews, on their part, internalized the beliefs of the tribal society
with regard to their capabilities. They wrote about themselves, quoting
the tribesmen as saying: “You are the people of the book and you have
wisdom; you can even control the demons.”
54
Folk tales collected in the
twentieth century tell of famous Yemeni Jewish scholars of the past, pre-
senting them as wondrous figures who greatly impressed the Muslims of
Yemen and even the imam. Similar folk tales can be traced in other Jewish
communities that cultivated tales about the wisdom of the Jews in com-
parison with the gentiles’ ignorance, thus compensating for the low social
status of the Jews in society. In Yemen, however, these stories can be inter-
preted in relation to the Jews’ unique magical knowledge. One example
relates to Rabbi Shalom Shabazi, the famous seventeenth-century poet.
It tells of the imam who came to Shabazi and asked him to save Yemen
from the terrible locust plague that befell the country. Rabbi Shabazi read
the Zohar, he invoked some Kabbalistic techniques of combining holy
names, and soon the locusts disappeared. Another Shabazi folk tale tells
of the imam who fell ill and the best Muslim physicians were unable to
cure him. All the Muslims went to the mosques and prayed for him, but
his health continued to deteriorate. A rumor then spread at the imam’s
court about “a Jew whose name is Shabazi, who lives in a small mod-
est house, who is knowledgeable in miracles and performs wonders.”
They immediately brought Shabazi to the imam, and he shouted: “Out
with the disease!” The imam opened his eyes and then rose healthy from
his bed.
55
Similar are the tales about Rabbi Zekharia Tabib (ha-Rofe—the
physician), the fifteenth-century author of the medical textbook al-wagij.
It was said that he could cure diseases that no Muslim physician could
treat and also that he alone had solved the murder of the imam’s son.
56
Jews sometimes exploited the perception of their “otherness” and
mystical knowledge to strengthen their positions against the Muslims by
applying cunning and manipulation. They would pretend, for example,
that they were forced to do an evil deed, i.e., steal crops, by a demon that
had possessed them, and thus they escaped punishment. On other occa-
sions, Jews would pretend to know how to write amulets or master the
demons in order to obtain material gains from the tribesmen.
57
These shared beliefs in magic and sorcery thus created a common Jew-
ish-Muslim society, based on an imagined corpus of hidden capabilities
Yemen: Muslim and Jewish Interactions in the Tribal Sphere · 137
and sacred books that carry mystical knowledge. Yet, at the same time,
these beliefs enhanced the perception of the Jew as the “other” and con-
tributed to positing him outside the inner circles of the tribal society.
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