Conference Myths in south-eastern European textbooks 22-24 October 2014, Tirana Myths in south-eastern European textbooks

Bibliografi

A.Q.SH, F. 251 , v.1924, d.136, 140

Sëire, Joseph. “Shqipëria:Ngritja e një Mbretërie”, Tiranë, Dituria,2005

Fischer, Jurgen.Bernd. “Mbreti Zog dhe përpjekja për stabilitet në Shqipëri”, Tiranë,Çabej 1996

Histori e Popullit Shqiptar, Akademia e Shkencave e Republikës së Shqipërisë, Toena 2002

Jacques, Edëin, “Shqiptarët”,Tiranë, Kartë e Pendë, 1995

Austin, Robert. “Shtegu i pashkelur i Fan Nolit”, Tiranë, Albin,2000

Jorgaqi, Nasho. “Fanoliana” (risi dokumentare, kujtime e studime për F.Noli)”, Tiranë, Toena.1998

DDI, Serie 1923-1935,III,nr 222 A.Plasari. Shekulli, 18.12.2005

Puto, Arben. “Demokracia e rrethuar” (Qeveria e Fan Nolit në marrëdhëniet e jashtme, qershor-dhjetor 1924), Tiranë. 8 Nëntori,1990.

Duka, Valentina. “Historia e Shqipërisë” ,(1912-2000) Sh.B.L.U, 2007

Constructing the myth of the national leader over the centuries

Denis Vuka

Following the linear historical narrative established during the communist regime, the Albanian people, descendants of the “Illyrians”, who during the late Middle Ages were called “Arber” and resisted the Ottoman Empire, were once again found on the eve of 20^th century struggling for independence. These noteworthy historical periods will culminate in the memorable National Liberation War during the WWII when the Albanians, guided by the ideal of freedom, fought against the invaders, sacrificed their lives and as a result succeeded in liberating their “fatherland”.

In such a way, the nation became the driving force of the society that managed to unify the people around a common aim. That supreme collective goal was to be transformed into the myth of the permanent national struggle (Malcolm 2002) successively supplemented by another even stronger, that of the enlightened leadership. The cultivation of the myth of the leader, as the only competent figure to guide the nation through its own destiny is a common path that reached often exaggeration proportions. In the aforementioned nation’s “golden ages” the narrative draws recurrently attention to the close tie between the people and the leader, while emphasizing the cohesive and unification values that derive from the latter.

This article focuses in the core of the leader’s myth over the centuries by analyzing the way it is depicted through the images in schoolbooks. It will be primarily used a comparative and visual analysis in my approach. Considering the collective aspects in the mythmaking procedure (Schopflin 2002) and the “national/-ist communist ideology” implemented by the Party of Labor of Albania, I will try to discern its function and purposiveness within such a framework. At the same time, the consistent set of beliefs that this myth represents is also to be identified, as well its features and usefulness in consolidating and stabilizing the Albanian society from the very first years of communist domination until the post-communist era.

1 C. Levi-Strauss, Myth and Meaning: Cracking the Code of Culture, (New York: Schocken Books, 1979), pp. 7-12.

2 H. Gordon & R. Gordon, Heidegger on Truth and Myth: A Rejection of Postmodernism, (New York: Peter Lang Publishing, 2007), p. 17.

3 Ch. Norris, Deconstruction: Theory and Practice, (London and New York: Routledge, 2004), pp. 18-24.

4 M. Foucault, Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison, trans. A. Sheridan, (New York: Vintage Boks, 1995), p. 147.

5 J-F. Lyotard, The Postmodern Condition: A Report on Knowledge, trans. G. Bennington & B. Massumi, (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1982), p. 48.

6 B. Dugolli & D. Abdullahu, “Çështje kundërthënëse dhe të ndjeshme në tekstet e historisë për shkollat fillore dhe të mesme në Kosovë”, in Diskutime, year III, no.9, February-March 2014, (Tetovë: Qendra për Marrëdhënie Ndërkombëtare dhe Studime Ballkanike - Akademia Diplomatike Shqiptare Tetovë & Instituti për Studime Evropiane i Universitetit të Tiranës, 2014), pp. 121-144.

7 F. Rexhepi & F. Demaj, Historia 5, (Prishtinë: Libri Shkollor, 2012), p. 5.

8 Ibid., p. 8, p. 21.

9 F. Rexhepi & F. Demaj, Historia 6, (Prishtinë: Libri Shkollor, 2012), p. 24, p. 89.

10 F. Rexhepi & F. Demaj, Historia 10: Për gjimnazin e përgjithshëm dhe për gjimnazin e shkencave shoqërore, (Prishtinë: Libri Shkollor, 2010), pp. 26-29.

11 J. Matzinger, “Shqiptarët si pasardhës të ilirëve nga këndvështrimi i gjuhësisë historike”, in Historia e Shqiptarëve: Gjendja dhe perspektivat e studimit, edit., O. J. Schmitt & E. A. Frantz, (Tiranë: Përpjekja, 2012), pp. 13-39.

12 A. Vehbiu, “Obsesioni ynë me origjinën”, in Roli i miteve në historinë e Shqipërisë, Përpjekja, year VI, no.15-16, edit., F. Lubonja, (Tiranë: Përpjekja, 1999), pp. 67-72.

13 Homeri “Ilias”; & Homeri “Odyssea”, ed., G. Dindrof, Lipsiae in aedibus B.G. Teubneri 1921/1925; Hesiodi “Carmina”, Lipsiae in aedibus B.G. Teubneri 1913; in Ilirët dhe Iliria te autorët antikë, edit., Akademia e Shkencave e Shqipërisë: Instituti i Arkeologjisë, (Tiranë: Toena, 2002), pp. 8-14.

14 F. Rexhepi, Historia 5, op.cit., pp. 11-20.

15 F. Rexhepi, Historia 6, op.cit., p. 32, pp. 84-85.

16 F. Rexhepi, Historia 10, op.cit., pp. 56-58.

17 For helen colonies in Illyria see M. Korkuti, “Themelimi i kolonive helene dhe marrëdhëniet me botën ilire”, in Historia e Popullit Shqiptar, vol. I, edit., Akademia e Shkencave e Shqipërisë: Instituti i Historisë, (Tiranë: Toena, 2002), pp. 56-58.

18 For language and culture of Illyrians see A. Stipçeviq, Ilirët: historia, jeta, kultura, simbolet e kultit, trans. N. Rrahmani, (Tiranë: Toena, 2002), pp. 121-134; pp. 187-192; pp. 216-239; pp. 249-254.

19 F. Rexhepi & F. Demaj, Historia 5 – Fletore Pune, (Prishtinë: Libri Shkollor, 2009), p. 6, p. 11, p. 14.

20 F. Rexhepi & F. Demaj, Historia 6 – Fletore Pune, (Prishtinë: Libri Shkollor, 2011), p. 23, p. 42, p. 52.

21 F. Rexhepi, Historia 5, op.cit., p. 23, p. 26.

22 F. Rexhepi, Historia 6, op.cit., p. 109.

23 I. Bicaj & A. Salihu, Historia 7, (Prishtinë: Libri Shkollor, 2009), pp. 35-37.

24 See P. Xhufi, “Vëzhgime mbi emrin Arbëri dhe arbëresh“ in Dilemat e Arbërit, (Tiranë: Pegi, 2006), pp. 3-23.

25 See M. Shuflay, Serbët dhe Shqiptarët, trans. H. Çipuri, (Tiranë: Toena, 2004), pp. 30-36.

26 F. Rexhepi, Historia 10, op.cit., p. 158.

27 For ethnogenesis of Albanians see K. Frashëri, Etnogjeneza e Shqiptarëve – Vështrim historik, edit., M. Goleci & B. Karoshi, (Tiranë: M&B, 2013), pp. 225-249.

28 F. Rexhepi, Historia 5, op.cit., p. 23, p. 26.

29 F. Rexhepi, Historia 10, op.cit., pp. 109-110.

30 For complexity of medieval history of Albanians see M. Shuflay, “Gjendja etnike në periudhën e mesjetës”, in Qytetet dhe kështjellat e Shqipërisë – kryesisht në mesjetë”, L. Malltezi ed., (Tiranë: Onufri, 2009), pp. 74-81.

31 See O.J. Schmitt, “Monada e Ballkanit – shqiptarët në Mesjetë“, in Historia e Shqiptarëve, op.cit., pp. 67-69.

32 F. Rexhepi, Historia 5, op.cit., p. 50.

33 I. Bicaj, Historia 7, op.cit., p. 118.

34 See G. de Rapper, “Culture and the Reinvention of Myth in a Border Area”, in Albanian Identities: Myth and History, S. Schwandner-Sievers & B. J. Fischer edit., (London: Hurst & Company, 2002), pp. 190-200.

35 For religious tolerance see P. Xhufi, “Toleranca fetare ndër shqiptarë”, in Dilemat e Arbërit, op.cit., pp. 541-553.

36 F. Rexhepi, Historia 5 – Fletore Pune, op.cit., p. 30.

37 I. Bicaj & A. Salihu, Historia 7 – Fletore Pune, (Prishtinë: Libri Shkollor, 2011), p. 48.

38 F. Rexhepi & F. Demaj, Historia 8 – Shkolla e mesme e ulët, (Prishtinë: Libri Shkollor, 2012), p. 70; for more passages on religious pragmatism see R. Abdyli & E. Bakalli, Historia 11 – Gjimnazi i shkencave shoqërore, (Prishtinë: Libri Shkollor, 2012), pp. 41-42; see also J. Bajraktari & I. Bicaj, Historia 11 – Gjimnazi i përgjithshëm, (Prishtinë: Libri Shkollor, 2001), p. 72.

39 For mythization of this poem see A. Puto, “Feja e shqiptarit është shqiptaria: mit apo konstruktim historik”,in Roli i miteve, op.cit., pp. 32-38.

40 For religious of Albanians during Midle Age and ottoman period see: F. Duka, “Feja dhe shoqëria në hapësirën shqiptare. Periudha osmane”, in Shekujt osmanë në hapësirën shqiptare. (Tiranë: UET Press, 2009), pp. 41-72; see also P. Xhufi, “Ndjenja fetare në Shqipëri gjatë Mesjetës”, in Dilemat e Arbërit, op.cit, pp. 523-539.

41 For albanian’s myths on religious see N. Clayer, “Feja, krijimi i kombit dhe shoqëria”, in Historia e Shqiptarëve, op.cit., pp. 121-132.

42 For spread of Islam see P. Bartl, Myslimanët shqiptarë në lëvizjen për pavarësi kombëtare (1878-1912), trans. P. Xhufi, (Tiranë: Dituria, 2006), pp. 11-138.

43 For spread of Cristianity see G. Schramm, Fillet e krishterimit shqiptar: Konvertimi i hershëm i besëve dhe pasojat e tij të gjata, trans. S. Gashi, (St. Gallen, Albanisches Institut, 2006); see also P. Xhufi, “Krishtërimi roman në Shqipëri, shek. VI-XVI”, in Dilemat e Arbërit, op.cit., pp. 473-485.

44 For heresy of bogomilism see Y. Hysa, Shqiptarët dhe të tjerët: nga Madona e Zezë deri te Molla e Kuqe, (Prishtinë: Instituti Albanologjik, 2010), pp. 11-60; see also E. Jacques & D. Young, Ungjilli ndër Shqiptarët, (Prishtinë: Tenda, 2000), pp. 15-20.

45 For spread of Protestantism see A. Thomson, Bible Ways in Old Albania, (Gjirokastër: Albanian Evangelical Trust, 1992); see also J. Clark, 1912 dhe Ungjilli, (Gjirokastër: AEM-Misioni Ungjillor, 2012).

46 For spread and role of Bektashism in albanian society see M. Krasniqi, Shoqëria Biblike Britanike për të huajt dhe bektashizmi (1814-1897), (Prishtinë: Instituti Albanologjik, 2013), pp. 97-180.

47 For Enver Hoxha’s role on constructions of myths see M. J. Alex Standish, “Enver Hoxha’s Role in the Development of Socialist Albanian Myths”, in Albanian Identities, op.cit., pp. 115-124.

48 P. Misha, “Invention of a Nationalism: Myth and Amnesia”, in Albanian Identities, op.cit., pp. 33-48.

49 O. Jazexhi, Rrëfimet e një kombi: Shqiptarët, turqit, muslimanët dhe të krishterët në tekstlibrat shkollorë të historisë dhe letërsisë në Kosovë – Analizë e teksteve shkollore të ciklit fillor, të mesëm të ulët dhe të mesëm të lartë në Kosovë, (Tiranë: Free Media Institute, 2013), p. 54.

50 F. Rexhepi, Historia 5, op.cit., pp. 11-13; F. Rexhepi, Historia 6, op.cit., pp. 73-80; F. Rexhepi, Historia 10, op.cit., pp. 37-44.

51 F. Rexhepi, Historia 5, op.cit., p. 28, p. 40.

52 For myths on nationalism see P. J. Geary, The Myth of Nations: The Medieval Origins of Europe, (New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 2003), pp. 19-22.

53 R. Abdyli, Historia 11, op.cit., pp. 67-71.

54 For protonationalism and myths on nationalism see E. J. Hobsbawn, Nations and Nationalism since 1780: Programme, Myth, Reality, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012), pp. 46-50.

55 A. D. Smith, National Identity, (Nevada: University of Nevada Press, 1991), p. 34.

56 J. Bajraktari, F. Rexhepi & F. Demaj, Historia 10: Gjimnazi matematikë dhe informatikë – Gjimnazi i shkencave natyrore, (Prishtinë: Libri Shkollor, 2010), p. 51.

57 J. Bajraktari & A. Salihu, Historia 12: Gjimnazi i përgjithshëm, (Prishtinë: Libri Shkollor, 2006), p. 50.

58 See N. Bozbora, Shqipëria dhe nacionalizmi shqiptar në Perandorinë Osmane, trans. D.Egro, (Tiranë: Dituria, 2002), pp. 146-207.

59 N. Clayer, Në fillimet e nacionalizmit shqiptar: Lindja e një kombi me shumicë myslimane në Evropë, trans. A.Puto, (Tiranë: Përpjekja, 2009), pp. 244-255.

60 A. Buda, “Mendimi politik dhe kultura kombëtare në vitet 50-70 të shek. XIX“, in Historia e Popullit Shqiptar vol. II, edit. Akademia e Shkencave e Shqipërisë: Instituti i Historisë, (Tiranë, Toena, 2002), pp. 121-131.

61 F. Rexhepi, Historia 6, op.cit., p. 87.

62 F. Rexhepi, Historia 5, op.cit, pp. 57-58; p. 67; p. 71; p. 84.

63 I. Bicaj, Historia 7, op.cit., p. 54.

64 F. Rexhepi, Historia 8, op.cit., p. 69; p. 111.

65 For history of Albanians during the ottoman period see F. Duka, “Shqipëria gjatë sundimit osman (Një histori e shkurtër)”, in Shekujt osmanë, op.cit., pp. 373-426.

66 For this syndrome see P. Misha, “Fenomeni nacionalizëm dhe kriza shqiptare”, in Roli i miteve, op.cit., p. 27.

67 F. Rexhepi, Historia 9, (Prishtinë: Libri Shkollor, 2009), p. 118.

68 See N. Malcolm, Kosovo: A Short History, (USA: Harper Perennial, 1999), pp. 293-294.

69 F. Rexhepi & F. Demaj, Historia 11: Gjimnazi i gjuhëve, (Prishtinë: Libri Shkollor, 2004), p. 161.

70 See O. J. Schmitt, Kosova: Histori e shkurtër e një teve qendrore ballkanike, trans., E. Robelli, (Prishtinë: KOHA, 2012), pp. 164-171.

71 For those debates see I. Kadare, Identiteti evropian i shqiptarëve - sprovë, (Tiranë: Onufri, 2006); see also K. Frashëri, Identiteti Kombëtar Shqiptar dhe Çështje të Tjera – (Ndërhyrje në debatin Ismail Kadare – Rexhep Qosa), (Tiranë: Edisud, 2006).

72 For this dilemma see E. Çabej, Shqiptarët midis Perëndimit dhe Lindjes, (Tiranë: Çabej, 2006).

73 For this mythization see K. Frashëri, “Skënderbeu dhe Evropa“, in Gjergj Kastrioti – Skënderbeu 600 vjet pas, edit., Don Ndue Ballabani, (Zagreb: Misioni Katolik Shqiptar në Kroaci & Këshilli i Pakicës Kombëtare Shqiptare të Qytetit të Zagrebit, 2005), pp. 19-25; see also O. J. Schmitt, Skënderbeu, trans. A.Klosi, (Tiranë: K & B, 2009), pp. 423-455.

74 F. Rexhepi, Historia 5, op.cit., p. 37.

75 For origin of Scanderbeg from Kosovo see J. Drançolli, “Gjergj Kastrioti – Skënderbeu dhe Kosova”, in Gjergj Kastrioti – Skënderbeu 600 vjet pas, op.cit., pp. 39-47; see also J. Drançolli, Shteti mesjetar i Gjergj Kastriotit – Skënderbeut, (Pejë: Dukagjini, 2000), pp. 183-192.

76 F. Rexhepi, Historia 5, op.cit., p. 42; p. 47.

77 F. Rexhepi, Historia 10, op.cit., pp. 180-181.

78 I. Bicaj, Historia 7, op.cit., pp. 67-69.

79 See A. Puto, “Nga Skënderbeu mitik në atë historik“, in Skënderbeu i kërkimit shkencor, Përpjekja, year XIX, no.28-29, F. Lubonja edit., (Tiranë: Përpjekja, 2012), pp. 18-23.

80 See N. Nixon, “Ngaherë e tashmë evropianë: figura e Skënderbeut në nacionalizmin bashkëkohor shqiptar”, in Skënderbeu i kërkimit shkencor, op.cit., pp. 142-164.

81 For influence of Islam in Albanian society see F. Shehu, “The Influence of Islam in Albanian Culture”, Journal of Islam in Asia, Special Issue, no.1, march 2011, (Malaysia: International Islamic University of Malaysia, 2011), pp. 389-407; see also G. Duijzings, Religion and the Politics of Identity in Kosovo, (New York: Columbia University Press, 2000).

82 I. Bicaj, Historia 7, op.cit., p. 34; p. 39.

83 Ibid., p. 130.

84 For history of this dilemma see O. J. Schmitt, Shqiptarët: Një histori mes Lindjes dhe Perëndimit, trans. A.Klosi, (Tiranë: K & B, 2012).

85 For escape of Albanians from Orient see E. Sulstarova, Arratisje nga Lindja: Orientalizmi shqiptar nga Naimi te Kadareja, (Tiranë, Pika pa Sipërfaqe, 2013).

86 See N. Malcolm, “Myth of Albania National Identity: Some Key Elements, as Expressed in the Works of Albanian Writers in America in the Early Twentieth Century”, in Albanian Identities, op.cit., pp. 70-87.

87 I. Bicaj, Historia 7, op.cit., p. 124.

88 F. Rexhepi, Historia 6, op.cit., p. 94.

89 Ibid., p. 105.

90 Ibid., p. 108.

91 F. Rexhepi, Historia 8, op.cit., p. 16; see also F. Rexhepi, Historia 8 – Fletore pune, op.cit., p. 10.

92 Castellan, G, “History of the Balkans”, Tirana 1995, pg. 495.

93 Duka.V., “Albanian History”, Tirana, 2007, pg. 390.

94 Fisher.B., “KingZogand his endeavour for stability in Albania”.Tirana, 2004, pg. 322.

95 Lory.B., “Balkan Europe from 1945 until our days”, Tirana, 2007, pg. 272

96 Castelan. G., stated above, pg. 496

97 Roland Barthes, Mythologies, Noonday, New York, 1991, p. 107

98 See Mircea Eliade, Mito e Realtà, Borla, Roma, 1985 p. 28

99 I refer especially to the works of Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities, Verso (revised edition), London 1991; Eric Hobsbawm, Nations and Nationalism since 1780: program, myth reality, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1990; Ernest Gellner, Nation and Nationalism, Blackwell, Oxford, 1983

100 See Miroslav Hroch, Social Preconditions of national revival in Europe, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1985, pp. 8 - 10

101 Anthony D. Smith, Myths and Memoires of the Nation, Oxford University Press, Oxford 1999, p. 9

102 Broinslav Malinowski, Magic, Science and Religion and Other Essays, Beacon Press, Boston 1948, p. 78

103 See Gianbattista Vico, The First New Science, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 2002, P.66

104 Free translation from the Italian version; See Johann Gottfried Herder, Idee per la Storia dell’Umanità, Laterza, Bari 1992, p. 286

105 Georg Willhelm Friederich Hegel, The Philosophy of History, Batoche Books, Kitchener 2001, p.62

106 Ernst Cassirer, The Myth of the State, Yale University Press, New Heaven, 1946, pp. 3 - 4

107 Ibid., p. 54

108 Ibid., p. 46

109 Ibid., p. 182

110 Ibid., p. 181

111 Johann Gottlieb Fichte (with an introduction and notes by Gregory Moore), Addresses to the German Nation, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 2008, p. 19

112 Ibid., p. 83

113 Marshall Sahlins, Historical Metaphors and Mythical Realities, University of Michigan Press, Ann Arbor, 1981, p. 11

114 Marshall Sahlins, Islands of History, The University of Chicago Press, Bristol, 1985 pp. 54 – 72,

115 Roland Barthes, Mythologies, p. 131

116 Jonathan Friedman, Myth, History and Political Identity, in Kajza Ekholm Friedman and Jonathan Friedman, Modernities, Class, and the Contradictions of Globalization, Altamira Press, Plymouth, 2008, p.89

117 See Ivo J. Lederer, Yugoslavia at the Paris Peace Conference: A study In frontiermaking, Yale University Press, Yale, 1963, p. 84

118 See Giorgio Rochat, L’Esercito Italiano da Vittorio Veneto a Mussolini (1919 – 1925), Laterza – Bari 1967; the author reports some figures concerning the Italian presence in Albania between march 1920 and the 3 of June 1920 which decreased from 33.000 to 15.000. See pp. 170 – 181; According to another font, by mid June Italian troops in Vlora amounted at around 7000 men. See Vincenzo Gallinari, L’Esercito Italiano nel Primo dopoguerra 1918 – 1920, Stato Maggiore dell’Esercito, Roma 1980, p. 177

119 For detailed and objective historical account of military operations carried on Italian sources see Mario Montanari (editor), Le Truppe Italiane in Albania 1914 – 1920, Stato Maggiore dell’Esercito, Roma 1978; Vincenzo Gallinari, L’Esercito Italiano nel Primo dopoguerra 1918 – 1920, Stato Maggiore dell’Esercito, Roma 1980. Broader view of history concerning social and political relations of Italy and Albania see Massimo Borgogni, Trà continuità e incertezza. Italia e Albania 1914 – 1939, Franco Angeli, Milano 2007. Older but still valuable works on Abanian – Italian relations that treat specifically the Vlora conflict are Paolo Alatri, Nitti, D’Annunzio e La Questione Adriatica, Feltrinelli, Milano 1976 and Pietro Pastorelli, L’Albania nella Politica Estera Italiana, Editore Jovine, Napoli 1970. Albanian perspective on Vlora conflitct has been thoroughly developed from different angulations by Muin Ҫami during his decennial career. For the present elaboration I relied on Muin Ҫami (editor), Kongresi i Lushnjes dhe Lufta e Vlores, Akademi e Shkencave e RPSH, Tirane 1974; Muin Ҫami, Lufta e popullit shqiptar per çlirimin kombёtar (permbledhje dokumentash), Instituti i historisё dhe i Gjuhёs, Tiranё 1976; Muin Ҫami, Shqipёria nё Rrjedhat e Historisё 1912 – 1934, Onufri, Tiranё 2007. Other detailed accounts of the events are found in Stefanaq Pollo (editor), Historia e Shqipёrisё III, Akademia e Shkencave e RPSH tё Shqipёrisё, Tiranё 1984; Arben Puto, Shqipёria Politike 1912 – 1939, Toena, Tiranё 2009. Outside Italy and Albania, the Vlora conflict seem to have lost the interest of scholars. Sole exception is an article by Bernd J. Fischer “Perceptions and Reality in Twentieth – century Albanian Military Prowess” in Stephanie Schwandner-Sievers and Bernd J. Fischer (editors), Albanian Identities, Myth and History, Indiana University Press, Bloomington, 2002. Main contribution to the issue remains a very dated, although precious work of Joseph Swire, Albania rise of a Kingdom, Williams and Norgate Ltd., London 1929; basic chronology of the events is reported in Owen Pearson, Albania and King Zog, IB Tauris, London 2004; Recent researches on Albanian history and politics that cover the period 1920 do not take much in consideration the Vlora conflict (see Robert C. Austin, Founding a Balkan State, Albania’s experiment with democracy 1920 – 1925, University of Toronto Press, Toronto 2012; and Nicola Guy, The Birth of Albania: Ethnic Nationalism, The Great Powers of World War I and the Emergence of Albanian Independence, Tauris, London 2012; the latter proves limited because the author avoids to confront with Albanian fonts affirming that they would probably not add much to her research.

120 See Aldo Mola, L’imperialismo Italiano, La Politica Estera dall’Unità al Fascismo, Editori Riuniti, Roma 1980, p. 129

121 Trattati e Convenzioni fra il Regno d’Italia e gli Altri Stati, Volume 23, Tipografie del Regio Ministero degli Affari Esteri, Roma 1930, pp. 287 - 288

122 Military historian Mario Montanari, as others have argued, affirms that Italian Proclama was an emulation of the constitution of the autonomous republic of Korça in late 1916 by the French and to the institution of autonomous Albanian protectorate in Shkodёr by Austria – Hungary in the beginning of 1917. Italian declaration went further since it promised full independence. See Mario Montanari (editor), Le Truppe Italiane in Albania 1914 – 1920, cit., p.110

123 Amedeo Giannini, L’Albania dall’Indipendenza all’Unione con L’Italia (1913 – 1939), Istituto per gli Studi di Politica Internazionale, Roma 1940, p. 39 – 40; free translation

124 Adriaticus, Da Trieste a Valona, Alfieri Lacroix, Milano 1918 p. 90-91

125 Ibid. P. 76

126 Ibid. p. 78

127 Giulio Tozzi, L’Albania e il Suo Incerto Destino. Milano Treves, 1920, p. 29; (discourse pronounced in a public conference at the Accademia Olimpica of Science, Literature and Art in Vicenza in March 1920)

128 See Benito Mussolini in Via da Valona? No; Restare a Valona; Addio Valona in Il Popolo d’Italia 11 June p. 1, 13 June p. 1 and 5 August p. 1, 1920

129 See Antonio Baldacci, L’Albania, Istituto per L’Europa Orientale, Roma 1929, p. 364; Filippo Tajani, L’Avvenire Della Albania, Ulrico Hoepli, Milano 1932, p. 33;

130 Massimo Borgogni, Tra continuità e incertezza: Italia e Albania 1914 – 1939, p. 68

131 See Muin Ҫami, Shqipёria nё Rrjedhat e Historisё 1912 – 1934, p. 264

132 Contro L’Impresa Albanese in Avanti, 12 June 1920, p. 2

133 See Gabriele Paresesce, italia e Jugoslavia, Bemporad e figlio editore, Milano, 1935, p. 152; Mario Montanari, Le truppe italiane in Albania, p.177;Paolo Alatri has expressed another opinion, claiming that main responsibility for the conflict was due to the inability of Italian military command in Vlora that could not find an arrangement with the locals in relation to the civilian administration of the city. See. Paolo Alatri, Nitti, D’Annunzio e La questione adriatica, pp. 475 - 476

134 See Amedeo Giannini, L’Albania dall’Indipendenza all’Unione con L’Italia (1913 – 1939), cit., p. 248 - 251

135 Francesco Coppola, La Liquidazione Albanese in Idea Nazionale, 1 June, 1920 p. 1 (third Italy is used to underscore the continuity between the first one, which was ancient Rome and the second that were the Italian cities of the Renaissance).

136 See Antonino Di Giorgio, Il Problema Militare, La questione Adriatica, L’Albania e la Libia, Discorso sulle comunicazioni de governo pronunciato alla camera dei deputati nella tornata del 1 luglio, Tipografia della Camera dei Deputati, Roma, 1920, p.51; Luigi Federzoni, Per la Pace Italiana in Adriatico, Discorso pronunciato alla Camera dei Deputati nella tornata del 7 luglio 1920, Tipografia della Camera dei Deputati, Roma, 1920, p. 5

137 See Giovanni Giolitti, Memorie della mia vita, Garzanti, Milano, 1967 pp. 348 - 349

138 See Paskal Milo, Politika e Jashtme e Shqipёrisё I, Toena, Tiranё 2013, 292 – 293; Kostё Ҫekrezi, Shqipёria, e Shkuara dhe e Tashmja, Naimi, Tiranё, 2012, p. 197

139 AQSH, Fondi 34 Luigj Gurakuqi, Dosja 8, 1919, (page not readable), letter addressed from Gurakuqi to Sotir Gjika in Rome the 22 of November

140 Ibid. letter sent to Myfit Libohova in Albania the 4 of December 1920.

141 The memorandum of 9 December which was meant as a diktat by the United States gave full sovereignty to Italy on Vlora and the right for a mandate on Albania

142 Pietro Pastorelli, L’Albania nella Politica Estera Italiana, p. 318

143 See. Eqerem Bej Vlora, Kujtime 1885 – 1925, IDK, Tiranё, 2006, p. 444; Syrja Vlora, Kujtime, Iceberg, Tiranё, 2013, p. 171 - 172; Tanush Frashёri (editor), Ali Kelcyra, Shkrime pёr Historinё e Shqipёrisё, Onufri, Tiranё 2012, p. 451 - 452 (in notes); Sejfi Vllamasi, Ballafaqime Politike nё Shqipёri (1897 – 1942), Neraida, Tiranё 2000, p. 213

144 Muin Ҫami, Lufta e popullit shqiptar per çlirimin kombёtar (permbledhje dokumentash), p. 480

145 Ago Agaj, Lufta e Vlorёs, Tregim i njё pjesёmarrёsi, Harmony Printing LTD, Toronto, 1971, p. 130

146 ibid p. 131

147 In Muin Ҫami, Shqipёria nё Rrjedhat e Historisё 1912 – 1934, p. 229

148 Ago Agaj, Lufta e Vlorёs, Tregim i njё pjesёmarrёsi, p. 133

149 Arben Puto, Shqipёria Politike 1912- 1939, p. 273

150 Kristaq Prifti (editor), Historia e Popullit Shqiptar III, Toena, Tirane, 2007, p. 166

151 Massimo Borgogni, Tra continuità e incertezza, cit., p. 74; Mario Montanari, Le truppe Italiane in Albania (anni 1914 -1920 e 1939), p. 154

152 See Giorgio Rochat, L’esercito Italiano da Vittorio Veneto a Mussolini (1919 – 1925), p. 180; according to the author it is very hard to establish an amount of the expenses, however with good degree of precision he states that for the month of February 1920 Italy was spending 5 ½ millions (lire) for Dalmatia, 14 ½ for Albania, 4 millions for Asia Minor; in a note he reports that according to the official documents of the time the whole expenses for Albania including the war years amounted to 1.385 millions, but the author thinks that such sum was much more inferior then the real one.

153 See Federcio Chabod, L’Italia Contemporanea 1918 – 1948, Einaudi Scuola, Milano 1994, pp. IX – XVI

154 Indro Montanelli e Mario Cervi, Storia d’Italia vol.VII 1919 – 1936, RCS libri, Milano 2006, p.64; I need here to specify that it is not my opinion that the crises was generated by the Albanian attack on Vlora. It was certainly due to the social unrest that characterized the Italian nation between 1919 and 1920, the so called biennio rosso. However the Albanian affair certainly made even more difficult the position of Nitti who was often blamed as one of the major responsible agents for the Albanian situation.

155 See Andrea Giardina, Giovanni Sabbatucci, Vittorio Vidotto, Manuale di Storia, 3. L’età contemporanea, Laterza, Roma – Bari 1999, p. 425. Newer versions of the manual do not present significant changes in the section.

156 Ibid. p. 936

157 Gabriele Paresce, Italia e Jugoslavia, cit., p. 152

158 See Nicola Bonservizi Il Ritorno di Giolitti: Albania – Jugoslavia, in Il Popolo d’Italia 1920, p. 4

159 Benito Mussolini, Popolo d’italia 15 luglio, 1920 p.1

160 Ibid. Addio Valona, 5 agosto 1920 p. 1

161 Francesco Coppola, The Italian prestige sacrificed to the Balkan gangs, Idea Nazionale 5 august, p. 1

162 L’offerta di D’Annunzio per la difesa di Vlora, in Idea nazionale 10 August, 1920, p.2

163 Dino Grandi, Il Mio Paese, ricordi autobiografici, Il Mulino, Bologna, 1985, p. 309

164 In Mario Montanari, Le truppe Italiane in Albania, p. 230

165 Enciclopedia Italiana di scienze, Lettere ed Arti, Pubblicata sotto l’alto patronato di S.M. Il Re d’Italia, Istituto Giovanni Treccani, MCMXXIX – VII (1929), (tomo) II, Agro – Ammi, p. 120; this is part of the voice Albania and is still unchanged.

166 Enciclopedia Europea, vol I Aachen- Bakuni, Milano 1976, p. 220.

167 Grande Dizionario Enciclopedico UTET, Unione Tipografico – Editrice Torinese , Torino, (topo) A – Anti, 1984, p. 414

168 La piccola Treccani, dizionario enciclopedico, Roma 1997, p. 621

169 Great Soviet Encyclopedia, A translation of the third edition, Macmillan educational corporation, London 1973, p. 201

170 Encyclopaedia Universalis, Volume I, Paris 1973, p. 553

171 Salvatore Farina, Le Truppe d’Assalto Italiane, Roma 1938, I ed. pp. 332 – 339.

172 See Indro Montanelli, Albania Una e Mille, G. B. Paravia & C., Torino, 1939, pp. 86 – 88

173 Umberto Nani, Italia e Jugoslavia (1918 – 1928), Librerie d’Italia, Milano 1928, p. 11

174 See Pietro Silva, Il Mediterraneo, dall’Unità di Roma all’Impero Italiano, Istituto per gli Studi di Politica Internazionale, Milano 1937, p. 408

175 See Vittoria Foa, Questo Novecento (edizione ridotta), Einaudi Scuola, Milano 1998 p.100 (in chronology); also Ruggero Giacomini, La rivolta dei Bersaglieri e le giornate rosse: i moti di Ancona dell’estate 1920 e l’indipendenza dell’Albania, quaderni del consiglio regionale delle Marche, Ancona 2010; the author starts the book stating that (free translation) in Italy exists a robust tradition of popular pacifism that becomes stronger in times of conflict, unlike the official one which tends to disappear when e war breaks out. According to him, the aversion to colonial and imperialistic war and thus solidarity with the freedom wars is in the tradition of the Italian anarchist, socialist, communist and working class movements. Such tradition is recognizable in the opposition to the African wars, in the struggle against the war in 1915 and in the movement via da Valona of the summer 1920 that supported the Albanian independence. Ibid. pp. 13-14. This affirmation is later contradicted by the documents presented in the book as many soldiers who participated in the military sedition in Ancona the 25 of June, when interrogated by military police, declared that main reason for them opposing departure for Albania, was not pacifism but mere fear of being killed in battle or by diseases.

176 See Albert Habazaj, Lokalizimi i Kёngёs Epike Tё Luftёs Sё Vlorёs, in Gazeta Dielli, 13 December 2013.

177 Bernd J. Fischer “Perceptions and Reality in Twentieth – century Albanian Military Prowess” in Stephanie Schwandner-Sievers and Bernd J. Fischer (editors), Albanian Identities, Myth and History, pp. 134 - 142

178 Ministria e Aresimit dhe e Kultures, drejtoria e Studimeve e botimeve Shkollore, Historia e Shqiperise per Shkollat e Mesme (dispense), Tirane, 1965, p. 200

179 See Kristaq Prifti (editors), Historia e Popullit Shqiptar III 1912 – 1939, p. 150; and Stefanaq Pollo (editor), Historia e Shqipёrisё III, Akademi e Shkencave, Tiranё 1984, pp. 213 - 235

180 See Arben Puto, Shqipёria Politike 1912- 1939, p. 267

181 See Paskal Milo, Politika e Jashtme e Shqipёrisё, Toena, Tirane, 2013, p. 478

182 Sejfi Vllamasi, Ballafaqime Politike, p. 196

183 Muin Ҫami, Shqipёria nё Rrjedhat e Historisё 1912 – 1934, p. 229

184 Ibid. pp. 229 -230

185 See Romeo Gurakuqi, Shqipёria dhe Ҫёshtja Shqiptare pas luftёs sё Parё botёrore, Camaj – Pipa, Shkodёr 2007, p. 229 - 230

186 See Kristo Frashёri, Stefanq Pollo, Historia e shqipёrisё pёr shkollat e mesme, Shtёpia Botuese e Librit Shkollor (I ed.) Tiranё 1973, pp. 136 - 139

187 Ibid., p. 139

188 See Mandu Derguti, Ledia Dushku, Ferit Duga, Sonila Boçi, Historia e Shqiptarёve 12, Albas 2013, pp. 94 – 95; Petrika Thёngjilli, Fatmira Rama, Ajet Shehu, Lorenc Bejko, Liljana Guga, Historia e Shqiptarёve 12, Pegi, Tiranё, 2011, p. 109

189 Romeo Gurakuqi, Shqipёria dhe Ҫёshtja Shqiptare pas luftёs sё Parё botёrore, p. 153 - 154

190 Muin Ҫami, Lufta e Vlorёs Lufta e gjith popullit Shqiptar, in Muin Ҫami (editor), Kongresi i Lushnjes dhe Lufta e Vlorёs, p. 139

191 Ibid. p. 140

192 Ibid. p. 141

193 Ibid. p. 150

194 See Arben Puto, Shqipёria Politike 1912- 1939, p. 274

195 Eqerem Bej Vlora, Kujtime 1885 – 1925, p. 447

196 Ago Agaj, Lufta e Vlorёs, Tregim i njё pjesёmarrёsi, p. 143

197 Ibid., pp. 114 – 115

198 Ibid., p. 132

199 Ago Agaj, Lufta e Vlorёs, Tregim i njё pjesёmarrёsi, p. 114

200 Ibid., p. 150

201 Ibid., p. 200

202 Ibid., pp. 164 - 165

203 It does so in the opening section of his memoires by affirming that the war was the greatest accomplishment of Albanians since the time of Skanderbeg. Ibid., p. 1

204 Ibid., p. 125

205 Ibid., p. 137

206 A large part of the research that led to this paper was conducted during Darko Stojanov's fellowship at the Georg Eckert Institute for International Textbook Research in Braunschweig, in March/April 2014. On this occasion, he would like to express his appreciation of the Institute's academic and financial support for his work.

207 Cf. the narration in the renown study of P. J. Geary, The Myth of Nations. The Medieval Origins of Europe, Princeton University Press, 2002, 7. His work is now one of the leading texts on the place of late ancient and early medieval history in the national imaginary in many modern European countries.

208 P. Kolsto, Assesssing the Role of Historical Myths in Modern Society, in: P. Kolsto (ed.), Myths and Boundaries in Southeastern Europe, London, 2005, 31.

209 U. Brunnbauer, Historiography, Myths and the Nation in the Republic of Macedonia, in: U. Brunnbauer (ed.), (Re)Writing History. Historiography in Southeast Europe after Socialism, Munster, 2004, 165-200.

210 E. Hasimbegovic and D. Gavrilovic, Ethnogenesis Myths, in: D. Gavrilovic and V. Perica (eds), Political Myths in the Former Yugoslavia and Successor States. A Shared Narrative, Dordrecht, 2011, 26. Although technically it encompasses all of the former Yugoslav republics, essentially their paper focuses on the old tandem Serbia – Croatia. Therefore, it offers only a few lines on myths in Macedonia.

211 N. Proeva, Savremeni makedonski mit kao odgovor na nacionalne mitove suseda: albanski panilirizam, bugarski pantrakizam I grcki panhelenizam, Zgodovinski Časopis 64/1-2 (2010), 176-219. For the interdependence and mutual conditioning between the myths of ancient origin in Macedonia, cf. also M. Lomonosov, National Myths in Interdependence: The Narratives of Ancient Past among Macedonians and Albanians in the Republic of Macedonia after 1991, MA Thesis in manuscript at the Central European University in Budapest, 2012 (consulted at www.etd.ceu.hu/2012/lomonosov_matvey.pdf). He defines “national myths of antiquity” as: “... certain visions of the beginnings and of the earliest period of the communal past, which are put in form of narratives and claim that the national history started in Antiquity, i.e. before the Middle Ages or prior to 5^th – 6^th centuries AD”, Ibidem, 30.

212 R. Pichler, Historiography and the Politics of Education in the Republic of Macedonia (1991-2008), in: Dimou, A. (ed.), “Transition” and the Politics of History Education in Southeast Europe, Eckert. Die Schriftenreihe Band 124, V& R Press, 2009, 217-249. What is particularly valuable and relevant to our theme, in this article Pichler uses interviews with members of commissions for history textbooks and historians, which offers an insight into the process of preparing textbooks and especially the ethnicized and mythologized visions of history which confronted within.

213 P. Kolsto, Assesssing the Role of Historical Myths, 4 considers the myths to be boundary-defining mechanisms, and divides them in four principal groups: myths of sui generis, myths of ante murale, myths of martirium, and myths of antiquitas.

214 According to the Law on Textbooks for Primary and Secondary Education (Official Gazette no. 98 from 04.08.2008) all textbooks have to be approved from a Review Committee (Рецензиона комисија), which is consisted of a total of three members from which at least one must be a member of a non-majority community, if the textbook is intended for students from non-majority background (Article 16).

215 C. Bottici, A Philosophy of Political Myth, Cambridge University Press, 2007, 9.

216 P. Kolsto, Assessing the Role of Historical Myths, 32-33.

217 D. Stojanov, In Search of Autochthony: A Case Study of the Great Migration Period in History Textbooks in Macedonia, in: Der Donauraum 50/3-4 (2010) : Cultural Changes in Central and South East Europe after 1989, 225-234.

218 Ibidem, 226.

219 K. Adzievski, D. Petreska, V. Ackoska, N. Dimoski, V. Gjorgiev, Istorija za petto oddelenie, Skopje: Tabernakul, 2005, 4: “Името на нашата татковина е многу старо. Првпат се споменува во VII век пред н.е.” and “Нашата татковина има долга и богата историја. Во антиката таа била силна држава”.

220 B. Ristovski, S. Rahimi, S. Mladenovski, T. Chepreganov, M. B. Panov, Istorija za prva godina gimnazisko obrazovanie, Skopje: Albi, 2006, 98-103.

221 Cf. R. Scott, The Classical Tradition in Byzantine Historiography, in: M. Mullet and R. Scott (eds), Byzantium and the Classical Tradition, University of Birmingham Thirteenth Spring Symposium of Byzantine Studies 1979, Birmigham, 1981, 61-74. For a rare article on this topic published in Macedonia, cf. O. J. Schmitt, 'Mysians, Macedonians, Dardanians': Some Remarks on Late Medieval Ethnonyms in the Central Balkans, in: Makedonskiot identitet niz istorijata, Skopje, 2010, 73-78.

222 B. Ristovski et alii, Istorija za prva godina, 98-102.

223 Ibidem, 146.

224 Cf. M. Boskoski, N. Dervisi, S. Nedziri, D. Madzovski, S. Nikolovski, Istorija za prva godina gimnazisko obrazovanie, Skopje: Prosvetno Delo, 2009, 164 and then M. Boskoski, J. Ilioski, N. Dervisi, Istorija za sesto oddelenie, Skopje: Prosvetno Delo, 2010, 32. The latter also emphasizes that the local population in the region had an ancient Macedonian ethnic identity, but it differs from the other textbooks because it claims that their contemporary descendants are the Vlachs from Macedonia. While this proposition does not fit in the Macedonian nationalist discourse, it is still equally without academic support. Interviewed by the Nova Makedonija newspaper on September 7^th 2010 (issue 22085), the author of that claim explained that “Before writing that the Vlachs are remnants from the ancient Macedonians, I called the president of the Union of the Culture of the Vlachs. He confirmed to me that it is the truth”(!), while the first reviewer of the textbook justified his signature with the words “Well, I had to travel to Ohrid, and I had to sign quickly” - online edition available at http://www.novamakedonija.com.mk/NewsDetal.asp?vest=91710954511&id=9&setIzdanie=22085