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Spotlight-on-Uzbekistan

Space for Civil Society 
After a brief opening in the early 1990s, in the years that followed under Karimov independent civil 
society was gradually suffocated. Registration requirements and state interference in activities 
progressively expanded, with the Ezgulik Human Rights Centre one of the last independent NGOs to 
receive registration in 2003 (only made possible with the assistance of the OSCE and US 
Government). In 2004 new requirements on international NGOs to reregister with the Ministry of 
Justice, to place all international donations in two particular state banks and to obtain official 
permission to access their funds (creating a de facto freeze on NGO bank accounts) led to the closure 
of local presence of Internews, the Open Society Foundations and the Institute of War and Peace 
Reporting.
134
 Crackdown on human rights activists and independent voices in the wake of the 2005 
Andijan Massacre led to a further wave of pressure against both local and international NGOs forcing 
the withdrawal of most of the remaining international organisations such as  the Eurasia Foundation, 
CounterPart International, Freedom House, the American Bar Association and IREX.
135
 The climate of 
repression against independent organisations would persist
 
throughout the Karimov era.
 
 
As is so often the case in much of the post-Soviet space the lack of independent NGOs is not the 
same as a lack of NGOs. Many of the most prominent organisations that get described as ‘NGOs’ in 
Uzbekistan, such as Buyuk Kelajak or the Public Fund for Support and Development of National Mass 
                                                           
133
 Navbahor Imamova, Twitter Post, Twitter, June 2020, https://twitter.com/Navbahor/status/1276698187240218624 
134
 Eurasianet, Uzbek Authorities Crack Down on Another Foreign NGO in Tashkent, September 2004, https://eurasianet.org/uzbek-
authorities-crack-down-on-another-foreign-ngo-in-tashkent; RSF, Uzbek authorities shut down international organization Internews, 
January 2016, https://rsf.org/en/news/uzbek-authorities-shut-down-international-organization-internews; The New Humanitarian, New 
registration procedure for international NGOs, January 2004, https://www.thenewhumanitarian.org/news/2004/01/29/new-registration-
procedure-international-ngos; Office for Communications, Uzbek Government Forces Closures of Local Soros Foundation, Open Society 
Foundations, April 2004, https://www.opensocietyfoundations.org/newsroom/uzbek-government-forces-closure-local-soros-foundation 
135
 Relief Web, Uzbekistan: Government closes another American NGO, May 2006, https://reliefweb.int/report/uzbekistan/uzbekistan-
government-closes-another-american-ngo 


Spotlight on Uzbekistan 
30 
 
Media mentioned above, were founded by Government Decrees, receive significant funding from 
state budgets, and are reporting to and operating under the strategic direction of the Government. 
Some of these organisations have shown a significant degree of dynamism in recent years with 
Yuksalish, a think tank founded in conjunction with the Parliament, for example proactively trying to 
raises its profile and engage with international organisations, while developing useful initiatives to 
support the sector such as the Unions.uz website that seeks to link NGOs with volunteers.
136
 These 
quasi non-governmental organisations (QUANGOS) can be an important part of the delivery of 
government policy in many countries, they can bring together useful expertise and can often involve 
effective public participation but they are not non-governmental in any meaningful sense.
137
 As 
Dilmurad Yuspov points out in his essay in this collection when all the separately registered local 
branches of these systemic NGOs, political parties and trade unions are counted up they amount for 
around 65 per cent of the 9338 NGOs that are currently registered with the Ministry of Justice in 
Uzbekistan. The government or parliament are quite open about their role in founding such 
organisations, leaving little space for the more insidious form of Government Organised Non-
Governmental Organisation (GONGO) seen in some of the countries that have been notionally 
independently founded but remain wholly controlled by regime figures. Many of the other NGOs 
that have been able to operate are those which address non-controversial topics and humanitarian 
activities, allowing more collaborative relations with government.    
 
Unlike the liberalisation in the media environment there has not been a similar opening up for new 
independent NGOs. As Dilmurad Yuspov explains the registration for independent NGOs remains a 
bureaucratic nightmare (despite some limited reforms and an new online portal) and activities by 
unregistered groups are banned, though some have reported that in recent years enforcement of 
penalties for unregistered organisations has for the most part become less strict. The fear of 
independent, and especially internationally funded NGOs, runs deep across the more authoritarian 
parts of the post-Soviet Space, buying into narratives that they were the driving force behind the 
Maidan (Ukraine) and the ‘colour’ revolutions of the 2000s.
138
 While a direct causal link between 
NGOs and revolution remains farfetched, and the subject of substantial propaganda by Russia and 
other authoritarians, the growth in truly independent organisations would of course provide new 
opportunities for examining the performance of the Government and provide participants with the 
skills to do so more effectively.
139
 At the moment while criticism of Government policy and delivery is 
being encouraged by the President and his administration it is predominantly through means, if not 
always directly controlled then at least mediated by, the Government itself.  
 
In the absence of simple registration paths for formal NGOs, informal but very active Facebook and 
Telegram groups about issues of local importance have partially filled the void, creating new 
opportunities for mobilisation on civic and political issues.  
 
In March 2020, the Government approved the registration of 
Huquqiy Tayanch (Legal Base), a 
prisoner rights organisation that had been turned down eight times previously and is the first human 
rights organisation registered since 2002,
 
 and the US NGO Mercy Corps, which had been previously 
deregistered in 2006 in the wake of Andijan.
140
 However, this positive first step has not led to a flood 
of successful approvals with human rights NGOs, such as the Karakalpakstan based human rights 
                                                           
136
 Unions website: http://unions.uz/l; YukSalish, NGOs and volunteers on one web site, March 2020, https://yumh.uz/ru/news_detail/172 
137
 Oonagh Gay, Quangos, UK Parliament, 2010, https://www.parliament.uk/documents/commons/lib/research/key_issues/Key-Issues-
Quangos.pdf 
138
 Gazeta.uz, Maidan paranoia, January 2020, https://www.gazeta.uz/ru/2020/01/31/ngos/ 
139
 See the Exporting Repression Project. 
140
 Steve Swerdlow, Twitter Post, Twitter, February 2020, https://twitter.com/steveswerdlow/status/1223468776974245888?s=11; RFE/RL’s 
Uzbek Service, Uzbek Justice Ministry Registers Prisoners’ Rights Group, U.S. – Based NGO, RFE/RL, March 2020, 
https://www.rferl.org/a/uzbek-justice-ministry-registers-prisoners-rights-group-u-s--based-ngo/30484147.html 


Spotlight on Uzbekistan 
31 
 
organisation Chiroq being rejected multiple times in 2020, most recently in April.
141
 A new NGO code 
is being drafted, and clearly needs to be expedited, but there needs to be a must political steer from 
the highest level to end the bureaucratic roadblocks to registration, something that can be done 
even on the basis of the current legal arrangements. 
 
 
The April 2020 announcement of the new public chamber comprising a mix of NGO representatives 
as a formal consultative body between the Government and Civil Society.  If its members are drawn 
solely from the ranks of QUANGOs and other GONGOs it will lack credibility, both in Uzbekistan and 
to the international community. This initiative should be used a springboard to open up NGO 
registration and to enable independent voices to be heard at the highest level.
142
 
 

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