lose big or break even rather than accept a sure loss. Prospect theory also assumes
“loss-aversion”: The disutility of a loss of
x
is worse than the utility of an equal-
sized gain of
x
.
Expected utility is restricted to gambles with known outcome probabilities.
The more typical situation in the world is “uncertainty,” or unknown (subjective,
or personal) probability. Savage (1954) proposed a subjective expected utility
(SEU) theory in which choices over gambles would reveal subjective probabili-
ties of states, as well as utilities for outcomes. Ellsberg (1961) quickly pointed out
that in Savage’s framework, subjective probabilities are slaves to two masters—
they are used as decision weights applied to utilities and they are expressions of
likelihood. As a result, there is no way to express the possibility that, because a
situation is “ambiguous,” one is reluctant to put much decision weight on
any
out-
come. Ellsberg demonstrated this problem in his famous paradox: Many people
prefer to bet on black drawn from an urn with 50 black and 50 red balls, rather
than bet on black drawn from an urn with 100 balls of unknown black and red
composition, and similarly for red (they just don’t want to bet on the unknown
urn). There is no way for the two sets of red and black subjective probabilities
from each urn both to add to one (as subjective probabilities require), and still ex-
press the distaste for betting neither color in the face of ambiguity.
Many theories have been proposed to generalize SEU to allow for ambiguity-
aversion (see Camerer and Weber [1992] for a review). One approach, first pro-
posed by Ellsberg, is to let probabilities be
sets
rather than specific numbers, and
to assume that choices over gambles reveal whether or not people pessimistically
believe the worst probabilities are the right ones. Another approach is to assume
that decision weights are nonadditive. For example, the weights on red and black
in the Ellsberg unknown urn could both be .4; the missing weight of .2 is a kind of
“reserved belief ” that expresses how much the person dislikes betting when she
knows that important information is missing.
Compared to non-EU theories, relatively little empirical work and applications
have been done with these uncertainty-aversion theories so far.
Uncertainty-
aversion might explain phenomena like voting “roll-off ” (when a voter, once
in the voting booth, refuses to vote on obscure elections in which their vote is
most likely to prove pivotal; Ghirardato and Katz 2000),
incomplete contracts
(Mukherji 1998) and “home country bias” in investing: People in every country
overinvest in the country they are most familiar with—their own. (Finnish people
invest in firms closer to their own town; see Grinblatt and Keloharju 2001.)
In asset pricing, ambiguity-aversion can imply that asset prices satisfy a pair of
Euler inequalities, rather than an Euler equation, which permits asset prices to be
more volatile than in standard theory (Epstein and Wang 1994). Hansen, Sargent,
and Tallarini (1999) have applied related concepts of “robust control” to macro-
economic fluctuations. Finally, uncertainty-averse agents will value information
even if it does not change the decisions that they are likely to make after becom-
ing better informed (simply because information can make nonadditive decision
weights closer to additive and can make agents “feel better” about their decision).
This effect may explain demand for information in settings like medicine or
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