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F R E D E R I C K E T A L



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12jun13 aromi advances behavioral economics

200
F R E D E R I C K E T A L .
AN ILLUSTRATIVE EXAMPLE
To illustrate the difficulty of separating time preference per se from these poten-
tial confounds, consider a prototypical study by Benzion, Rapoport, and Yagil
(1989). In this study, respondents equated immediate sums of money and larger
delayed sums (for example, they specified the reward in six months that would be
as good as getting $1,000 immediately). In the cover story for the questionnaire,
respondents were asked to imagine that they had earned money (amounts ranged
from $40 to $5,000), but when they arrived to receive the payment they were told
that the “financially solid” public institute is “temporarily short of funds.” They
were asked to specify a future amount of money (delays ranged from 6 months to
4 years) that would make them indifferent to the amount they had been promised
to receive immediately. Surely, the description “financially solid” could scarcely
be sufficient to allay uncertainties that the future reward would actually be re-
ceived (particularly given that the institute was “temporarily” short of funds), and
it seems likely that responses included a substantial “risk premium.” Moreover,
the subjects in this study had “extensive experience with . . . a three-digit inflation
rate,” and respondents might well have considered inflation when generating their
responses. Even if respondents assumed no inflation, the real interest rate during
this time was positive, and they might have considered intertemporal arbitrage.
Finally, respondents may have considered that their future wealth would be
greater and that the later reward would therefore yield less marginal utility. In-
deed, the instructions cued respondents to consider this, as they were told that the
questions did not have correct answers, and that the answers “might vary from
one individual to another depending on his or her present or future financial assets.”
Given all of these confounding factors, it is unclear exactly how much of the
imputed annual discount rates (which ranged from 9 to 60%) actually reflected
time preference. It is possible that the responses in this study (and others) can be
entirely explained in terms of these confounds, and that once these confounds are
controlled for, no “pure” time preference would remain.
Procedures for Measuring Discount Rates
Having discussed several confounding factors that greatly complicate assigning a
discount rate to a particular choice or judgment, we next discuss the methods that
have been used to measure discount rates. Broadly, these methods can be divided
into two categories: 
fi
eld studies
, in which discount rates are inferred from eco-
nomic decisions people make in their lives, and 
experimental studies
, in which
people are asked to evaluate stylized intertemporal prospects involving real or hy-
pothetical outcomes. The different procedures are each subject to the confounds
discussed earlier and, as shall be seen, are also influenced by a variety of other
factors that are theoretically irrelevant, but that can greatly affect the imputed dis-
count rate.
amount of utility that a contemplated proximate reward actually delivers, they might best be regarded
as a confounding factor.



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