A theory of Justice: Revised Edition



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kl3LS8IkQP-dy0vCJJD 6A bf09604df07e464e958117cbc14a349b Theory-of-Justice

The Demand and Supply of Public Goods
(Chicago, Rand McNally, 1968), esp. ch. IX. This work contains useful bibliographical appendixes to
the literature.
235
42. Economic Systems


cases is that the provision of public goods must be arranged for through
the political process and not through the market. Both the amount to be
produced and its financing need to be worked out by legislation. Since
there is no problem of distribution in the sense that all citizens receive the
same quantity, distribution costs are zero.
Various features of public goods derive from these two characteristics.
First of all, there is the free-rider problem.
5
Where the public is large and
includes many individuals, there is a temptation for each person to try to
avoid doing his share. This is because whatever one man does his action
will not significantly affect the amount produced. He regards the collec-
tive action of others as already given one way or the other. If the public
good is produced his enjoyment of it is not decreased by his not making a
contribution. If it is not produced his action would not have changed the
situation anyway. A citizen receives the same protection from foreign
invasion regardless of whether he has paid his taxes. Therefore in the
polar case trade and voluntary agreements cannot be expected to develop.
It follows that arranging for and financing public goods must be taken
over by the state and some binding rule requiring payment must be
enforced. Even if all citizens were willing to pay their share, they would
presumably do so only when they are assured that others will pay theirs
as well. Thus once citizens have agreed to act collectively and not as
isolated individuals taking the actions of the others as given, there is still
the task of tying down the agreement. The sense of justice leads us to
promote just schemes and to do our share in them when we believe that
others, or sufficiently many of them, will do theirs. But in normal circum-
stances a reasonable assurance in this regard can only be given if there is
a binding rule effectively enforced. Assuming that the public good is to
everyone’s advantage, and one that all would agree to arrange for, the use
of coercion is perfectly rational from each man’s point of view. Many of
the traditional activities of government, insofar as they can be justified,
can be accounted for in this way.
6
The need for the enforcement of rules
by the state will still exist even when everyone is moved by the same
sense of justice. The characteristic features of essential public goods
necessitate collective agreements, and firm assurance must be given to all
that they will be honored.
5. See Buchanan, ch. V; and also Mancur Olson, 
The Logic of Collective Action
(Cambridge,
Harvard University Press, 1965), chs. I and II, where the problem is discussed in connection with the
theory of organizations.
6. See W. J. Baumol, 
Welfare Economics and the Theory of the State
(London, Longmans, Green,
1952), chs. I, VII-IX, XII.
236
Distributive Shares


Another aspect of the public goods situation is that of externality.
When goods are public and indivisible, their production will cause bene-
fits and losses to others which may not be taken into account by those
who arrange for these goods or who decide to produce them. Thus in the
polar case, if but a part of the citizenry pays taxes to cover the expendi-
ture on public goods, the whole society is still affected by the items
provided. Yet those who agree to these levies may not consider these
effects, and so the amount of public expenditure is presumably different
from what it would be if all benefits and losses had been considered. The
everyday cases are those where the indivisibility is partial and the public
is smaller. Someone who has himself inoculated against a contagious
disease helps others as well as himself; and while it may not pay him to
obtain this protection, it may be worth it to the local community when all
advantages are tallied up. And, of course, there are the striking cases of
public harms, as when industries sully and erode the natural environment.
These costs are not normally reckoned with by the market, so that the
commodities produced are sold at much less than their marginal social
costs. There is a divergence between private and social accounting that
the market fails to register. One essential task of law and government is to
institute the necessary corrections.
It is evident, then, that the indivisibility and publicness of certain
essential goods, and the externalities and temptations to which they give
rise, necessitate collective agreements organized and enforced by the
state. That political rule is founded solely on men’s propensity to self-in-
terest and injustice is a superficial view. For even among just men, once
goods are indivisible over large numbers of individuals, their actions
decided upon in isolation from one another will not lead to the general
good. Some collective arrangement is necessary and everyone wants as-
surance that it will be adhered to if he is willingly to do his part. In a large
community the degree of mutual confidence in one another’s integrity
that renders enforcement superfluous is not to be expected. In a well-or-
dered society the required sanctions are no doubt mild and they may
never be applied. Still, the existence of such devices is a normal condition
of human life even in this case.
In these remarks I have distinguished between the problems of isola-
tion and assurance.
7
The first sort of problem arises whenever the out-
come of the many individuals’ decisions made in isolation is worse for
7. This distinction is from A. K. Sen, “Isolation, Assurance and the Social Rate of Discount,”

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