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However, American Zionists objected to the OZET plan and saw in the propaganda for
the project of widespread Jewish agricultural colonization in the Soviet Union a challenge to
Zionism and its idea for the settlement of Eretz Israel. OZET falsely claimed its plans did not
contradict at all the idea of colonization of Palestine .
Great hope was placed on Crimea. There were 455,000 hectares given over to Jewish
colonization in Ukraine and Byelorussia; 697,000 hectares set aside in Crimea for that purpose.
According to the 10-Year Plan for the settlement of Jews in Crimea, the Jewish proportion of the
population was to grow from 8 percent in 1929 to 25 in 1939. (It was assumed that the Jews
would substantially outnumber the Tatars by that time.) “There shall be no obstacles to the
creation in the Crimean ASSR a Northern Crimean Autonomous Jewish Republic or oblast”.
The settlement of the Jews in the Crimea provoked the hostility of the Tatars (“Are they
giving Crimea to the Jews?”) and dissatisfaction of local landless peasants. Larin writes “Evil
and false rumors are circulating throughout the country about removal of land from non-Jews,
the expulsion of non-Jews and the particularly strong support the authorities have given to the
Jewish settlers.” It went so far that the chairman of the CIK of the Crimean ASSR, Veli Ibraimov
published an interview in the Simferopol paper
Red Crimea (Sept 26, 1926) which Larin does
not quote from, but which he claims was a manifestation of “evil bourgeois chauvinism” and a
call for a pogrom. Ibraimov also promulgated a resolution and projects which were “not yet
ready for publication” (also not quoted by Larin). For this, Larin denounced Ibraimov to the
Central Control Commission of CK of VKPb, recounting the incident with pride in his book. As
a result Ibraimov was removed and then shot, after which the Jewish colonization of Crimea
gained strength.
As was typical for the communist régime, the closed trial of Ibraimov resulted in a
political conviction for “connections with a Kulak bandit gang,” officially, for banditry. A
certain Mustafa, the assistant
to the chair of the CIK, was also shot with Ibraimov as a bandit.
Rumors of the effective assistance given to the Jewish settlers did not die down. The
authorities tried to counter them. A government newspaper in 1927 wrote “the generous
assistance to Jewish settlers” is coming from “Jewish community organizations” (without
mentioning they were Western organizations), and not from the government as was rumored. To
refute the rumors, Shlikhter (that young brawler from Kiev’s Duma in October 1905), now
Narkom of Agriculture of Ukraine, toured over the South of Ukraine. Rumors that the Jews were
not working the land given to them but were renting it out or hiring farm laborers, were met
with: “We haven’t observed this behavior, but the Jewish settlers must be forbidden to rent out
their land and the unhealthy atmosphere surrounding the Jewish resettlement must be countered
with the widest possible education campaign.”
The article allows one to judge about the scale of events. It states that 630 Jewish
households moved into Kherson Province between the end of 1925 and July of 1927. In 1927,
there were 48 Jewish agricultural settlements in Ukraine with a total population of 35,000. In
Crimea, 4463 Jews lived in Jewish agricultural settlements in 1926. Other sources implausibly
claimed that by 1928, 220,000 Jews lived in Jewish agricultural colonies. Similarly, Larin
mentioned 200,000 by the beginning of 1929. Where does this order of magnitude discrepancy
come from? Larin here contradicts himself, saying that in 1929 the share of Jews in agriculture
was negligible, less than 0.2 percent and almost 20 percent among merchants and two percent in
population in general. Mayakovsky saw it differently:
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