supreme, by status and rank, representatives of Russian Jewry (no matter how horrible it sounds).
And those representatives (again, not elected by their own people) were not capable of finding
enough self-restraint and self-scrutinizing sobriety to come around, check themselves, and opt
out. It is like the Russian cautionary proverb: “Do not hurry to grab, first blow on your fingers.”
And the Jewish people (who did not elect those Chekists as their representatives), that already
numerous and active city-dwelling community (weren’t there prudent elders among them?) also
failed to stop them: be careful, we are a small minority in this country! (Yet who listened to
elders at that age?)
G. Landau writes: “Loss of affiliation with a social class overthrew the fine structure of
Jewish society and destroyed the inner forces of resistance and even that of stability, sending
even them under the chariot of triumphant Bolshevism.” He finds that apart from the ideas of
socialism, separatist nationalism, and permanent revolution, “we were astonished to find among
the Jews what we never expected from them — cruelty, sadism, unbridled violence —
everything that seemed so alien to a people so detached from physical activity; those who
yesterday couldn’t handle a rifle, today were among the vicious cutthroats.”
Here is more about the aforementioned Revekka Plastinina-Maizel from the Archangel
Guberniya Cheka: “Infamous for her cruelty all over the north of Russia, she voluntarily
perforated napes and foreheads and personally shot more than one hundred men.” Or about one
Baka who was nicknamed “a bloody boy” for his youth and cruelty — first in Tomsk and then as
the head of the Cheka of the Irkutsk Guberniya. (Plastinina’s career carried her up right to a seat
in the Supreme Court of RSFSR which she occupied in 1940s.) Some may recall the punitive
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squad of Mandelbaum in Archangel in the north of Russia, others the squad of Mishka-
Yaponchik in Ukraine.
What would you expect from peasants in the Tambov Guberniya if, during the heat of the
suppression of the great peasant uprising in this Central-Russian black-earth region, the dismal
den of the Tambov Gubcom was inhabited by masterminds of grain allotments, secretaries of
Gubcom P. Raivid and Pinson and by the head of the propaganda department, Eidman? A. G.
Shlikhter, whom we remember from Kiev in 1905, was there as well, this time as the chairman of
the Executive Committee of the guberniya. Y. Goldin was the Foodstuffs Commissar of the
Tambov Guberniya; it was he who triggered the uprising by exorbitant confiscations of grain,
whereas one N. Margolin, commander of a grain confiscation squad, was famous for whipping
the peasants who failed to provide grain. (And he murdered them too.) According to Kakurin,
who was the chief of staff to Tukhachevsky, a plenipotentiary representative of the Cheka
headquarters in the Tambov Guberniya during that period was Lev Levin. Of course, not only
Jews were in it! However, when Moscow took the suppression of the uprising into her own
hands in February 1921, the supreme command of the operation was assigned to Efraim
Sklyansky, the head of “Interdepartmental Anti-Banditry Commission,” — and so the peasants,
notified about that with leaflets, were able to draw their own conclusions.
And what should we say about the genocide on the river Don, when hundreds of
thousands of the flower of Don Cossacks were murdered? What should we expect from the
Cossack memories when we take into consideration all those unsettled accounts between a
revolutionary Jew and a Don Cossack?
In August 1919, the Volunteer Army took Kiev and opened several Chekas and found the
bodies of those recently executed; Shulgin composed nominal lists of victims using funeral
announcements published in the reopened Kievlyanin; one can’t help noticing that almost all
names were Slavic … it was the “chosen Russians” who were shot. Materials produced by the
Special Investigative Commission in the South of Russia provide insights into the Kiev Cheka
and its command personnel based on the testimony of a captured Cheka interrogator. The
headcount of the Cheka staff varied between 150 and 300 … percentage-wise, there was 75
percent Jews and 25 percent others, and those in charge were almost exclusively Jews.
Out of twenty members of the Commission, i.e., the top brass who determined people’s
destinies, fourteen were Jews. All detained were kept either in the Cheka building or in the
Lukyanov prison. A special shed was fitted for executions in the building on Institutskaya St. 40,
on the corner with Levashovskaya St., where the main Cheka office of the guberniya had moved
from Ekaterininskaya St. An executioner (and sometimes amateur Chekists) escorted a
completely naked victim into a shed and ordered the victim to fall facedown on the ground. Then
he finished the victim with a shot in the back of the head. Executions were performed using
revolvers (typically Colts.) Usually because of the short distance, the skull of the executed
person exploded into fragments. The next victim was similarly escorted inside and laid down
nearby. When number of victims exceeded the capacity of the shed, new victims were laid down
right upon the dead or were shot at the entrance of the shed. Usually the victims went to their
execution without resistance.
This is what “the people were whispering about.” Or take another incident, witnessed by
Remizov (whom it is hard to suspect of anti-Semitism given his revolutionary-democratic past):
“Recently there was a military training exercise nearby at the Academy, and one Red Army
soldier said: ‘Comrades, let’s not go to the front, it is all because of Yids that we fight!’ And
someone with a brief-case asked him: ‘Which regiment are you from?´ And the soldier again:
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‘Comrades, let’s not go to the front, it is all because of Yids!’ And that one with a briefcase
ordered: ‘Shoot him!’ Then two other Red Army soldiers came out and the first one tried to flee.
But he didn’t make it to the corner as others got him and shot him – his brain spilled over and
there was a pool of blood.”
The Kronstadt Uprising had distinctly anti-Jewish character, and so all the more was it
doomed. They destroyed portraits of Trotsky and Zinoviev, both Jewish, but not those of Lenin.
And Zinoviev didn’t have guts to go to negotiate with the rebels – he would have been torn into
pieces. So they sent the Russian Kalinin.
There were labor strikes in Moscow in February 1921 that had the slogan: “Down with
Communists and Jews!”
We have already mentioned that during the Civil War the majority of Russian socialists
(and there were numerous Jews among them) were, of course, on Lenin’s side, not on Admiral
Kolchak’s and some of them actually fought for the Bolsheviks. (For example, consider Bund
member Solomon Schwartz: during the period of the provisional government, he was a director
of a department in a ministry; during the Civil War he volunteered to the Red Army though he
did not indicate his rank; later he emigrated abroad where he published two books about the
Jewish situation in the USSR; we will cite him below.)
Thus it looked as though not only Bolshevik Jews, but all of Jewry had decided to take
the Red side in the Civil War. Could we claim that their choice was completely deliberate? No.
Could we claim that they didn’t have any other choice? Again, no.
Shulgin describes the enormous exodus from Kiev on October 1, 1919 as the city was to
be surrendered to Bolsheviks. It was an entirely Russian exodus. People were leaving on foot
with knapsacks, across the bridges over Dnepr river; he estimated their numbers at around
60,000. “There were no Jews in this exodus: they were not noticeable among those many
thousands of Russians (men, women and children), with bundles in their hands streaming across
the beautiful Chain Bridge under a sorrowful net of rain.” There were more than 100,000 Jews in
Kiev at that time, Shulgin writes. And all of those rich and very rich Jews — they didn’t leave,
they chose to stay and wait for arrival of Bolsheviks. “The Jews decided not to share their fate
with us. And with that they carved a new and possibly the deepest divide between us.”
So it was in many other places. According to the testimony of socialist-revolutionary S.
Maslov: “It is a fact that in towns and cities of southern Russia, especially in cities to the west of
the Dnepr that changed hands repeatedly, the arrival of Soviets was most celebrated and the most
hollow of sympathy was expressed in the Jewish quarters, and not infrequently only in those
alone.”
A contemporary American historian, Bruce Lincoln, author of a big treatise about our
Civil War, said that the Ukrainian Cheka was composed of 80 percent Jews. This can be
explained by the fact that, prior to arrival of the Reds, cruel pogroms went on non-stop; indeed
those were the bloodiest pogroms since the times of Bogdan Khmelnytsky , leader of the
Cossack rebellion in Ukraine in 1648-1657. We will discuss the pogroms soon, though it should
be noted that the time sequence was actually the opposite: those 80 percent [Jews] were already
staffing the Cheka in 1918, whereas the pogroms of Petliura, the Ukrainian publicist, writer, and
journalist was was head of state during the Ukrainian independence of 1918-1920, only gathered
momentum during 1919. The pogroms carried out by White Army troops began in the fall of
1919.
Yet it is impossible to answer the eternal question who is the guilty party, who pushed
who into abyss. Of course, it is incorrect to say that the Kiev Cheka did what it did because it
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was three-quarters Jewish. Still, this is something that Jewish people should remember and
reflect upon.
And yes, there were Jews then who appealed to their compatriots looking back on the
tragedy that had befallen both Russia and Russian Jewry. In their proclamation To the Jews of All
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