India and so many other societies, women were excluded from reading what was regarded as “serious”
literature: they were expected to confine themselves to the realm of banal and frivolous entertainment,
which Confucian scholars frowned upon, and a clear-cut distinction was made between literature and
language that were “male” (the themes being heroic and philosophical, and the voice public) and those
that were “female” (trivial, domestic and intimate). This distinction was carried into many different areas:
for instance, since Chinese ways continued to be admired, Chinese painting was called “male” while the
lighter Japanese painting was called “female”.
Even if all the libraries of Chinese and Japanese literature had been opened to them, the Heian women
would not have found the sound of their own voices in most of the books of the period. Therefore, partly
to augment their stock of reading material and partly to gain access to reading material that would
respond to their unique preoccupations, they created their own literature. To record it, they developed a
phonetic transcription of the tongue they were allowed to speak, the
kanabungaku, a Japanese purged of
almost all Chinese word constructions. This written language came to be known as “women’s writing”
and, being restricted to the female hand,
it acquired, in the eyes of the men who ruled them, an erotic
quality. To be attractive, a Heian woman needed not only to possess physical charms but also to write
elegant calligraphy, as well as to be versed in music and able to read, interpret and compose poetry.
These accomplishments, however, were never considered comparable to those of male artists and
scholars.
“Of all the ways of acquiring books,” commented Walter Benjamin, “writing them oneself is regarded as
the most praiseworthy method.” In some cases, as the Heian women had discovered, it is the only
method. In their new language, the Heian women wrote some of the most important works in Japanese
literature, and perhaps of all time. The most famous of these are Lady Murasaki’s monumental
The Tale of
Genji, which the English scholar and translator Arthur Waley considered to be the world’s first real novel,
probably begun in 1001 and finished not before 1010; and
The Pillow Book of Sei Shonagon, so called
because it was composed, at about the same time as
Genji, in the author’s bedchamber, and probably kept
in the drawers of her wooden pillow.
In books such as
Genji and
The Pillow Book, the cultural and social life of both men and women is
explored in great detail, but little attention is paid to the political manoeuvring that took up so much of
the male court officials’ time. Waley found that the “extraordinary vagueness of women concerning purely
male activities” in
these books was disconcerting; being kept away from both the language and the
performance of politics, women such as Sei Shonagon and Lady Murasaki undoubtedly could not have
given more than hearsay descriptions of these activities. In any case, these women were essentially
writing for themselves — holding up mirrors to their own lives. They required from literature not the
images their male counterparts indulged in and were interested in, but a reflection of that other world
where time was slow and conversation was meagre, and the landscape hardly changed except as the
seasons themselves brought change.
The Tale of Genji, while displaying a huge canvas of contemporary
life, was intended to be read mainly by women like the author herself; women who shared her intelligence
and acute perspicacity in matters psychological.
Writing a few years after
The Tale of Genji, another brilliant woman, Lady Sarashina, described her
passion for stories as a young girl in one of the remote provinces. “Even shut away in the country I
somehow came to hear that the world contained things known as tales, and from that moment my
greatest desire was to read them for myself. To idle away the time, my sister, my stepmother, and others
in the household would tell me stories from the Tales, including episodes about Genji, the Shining Prince;
but, since they had to depend on their memories, they could not possibly tell
me all they wanted to know
and their stories only made me more curious than ever. In my impatience I got a statue of the Healing
Buddha built in my own size. When no one was watching, I would perform my ablutions and, stealing into
the altar room, would prostrate myself and pray fervently: “Oh, please arrange things so that we may
soon go to the Capital, where there are are so many tales, and please let me read them all.”
Sei Shonagon’s
Pillow Book is a seemingly casual record of impressions, descriptions, gossip, lists of
pleasing or displeasing things — full of whimsical opinions, prejudiced and conceited, utterly dominated
by the notion of hierarchy. Her comments have an outspoken ring that she says (are we to believe her?)
comes from the fact that “I never thought that these notes would be read by anyone else, and so I
included everything that came into my head, however strange or unpleasant.” Her simplicity accounts for
much of her charm. Here are two examples of “things that are delightful”:
Finding a large number of tales that one has not read before.
Or acquiring the second volume of a tale whose first volume one has enjoyed. But often it is a
disappointment.
Letters are commonplace enough, yet what splendid things they are! When someone is in a distant
province and one is worried about him, and then a letter suddenly arrives, one feels as though one were
seeing him face to face. And it is a great comfort to have expressed one’s feelings in a letter — even
though one knows it cannot yet have arrived.
Like
The Tale of Genji, The Pillow Book, with its paradoxical adoration of the imperial power yet scorn for
the ways of men, lends value to the enforced leisure and places women’s domestic lives on the same
literary level as the “epic” lives of men. Lady Murasaki, however, for whom the women’s
narrative needed
to be brought to light within the men’s epics and not, frivolously, within the confines of their paper walls,
found Sei Shonagon’s writing “full of imperfections”: “She is a gifted woman, to be sure. Yet, if one gives
free rein to one’s emotions even under the most inappropriate circumstances, if one has to sample each
interesting thing that comes along, people are bound to regard one as frivolous. And how can things turn
out well for such a woman?”
At least two different sorts of reading seem to take place within a segregated group. In the first, the
readers, like imaginative archeologists, burrow their way through the official literature in order to rescue
from between the lines the presence of their fellow outcasts, to find mirrors for themselves in the stories
of Clytemnestra, of Gertrude, of Balzac’s courtesans. In the second, the readers become writers,
inventing for themselves new ways of telling stories in order to redeem on the page the everyday
chronicles of their excluded lives in the laboratory of the kitchen, in the studio of the sewing-room, in the
jungles of the nursery.
There is perhaps a third category somewhere between these two. Many centuries after Sei Shonagon and
Lady Murasaki, across the sea, the English writer George Eliot, writing about the literature of her day,
described what she called “silly novels by Lady Novelists … a genus with many species, determined by the
particular quality of silliness that predominates in them — the frothy, the prosy, the pious, or the pedantic.
But it is a mixture of all these — a composite
order of feminine fatuity, that produces the largest class of
such novels, which we shall distinguish as the
mind-and-millinery species.… The standing apology for
women who become writers without any special qualification is, that society shuts them out from other
spheres of occupation. Society is a very culpable entity, and has to answer for the manufacture of many
unwholesome commodities, from bad pickles to bad poetry. But society, like ‘matter’, and Her Majesty’s
Government, and other lofty abstractions, has its share of excessive blame as well as excessive praise.”
She concluded, “ ‘In all labour there is profit’; but ladies’ silly novels, we imagine, are less the result of
labour than of busy idleness.” What George Eliot was describing was fiction which, though written within
the group, does little more than echo the official stereotypes and prejudices that led to the creation of the
group in the first place.
Silliness was also the fault which Lady Murasaki, as a reader, saw in the writing of Sei Shonagon. The
obvious difference, however, was that Sei Shonagon was not offering her readers a stultified version of
their own image as consecrated by the men. What Lady Murasaki found frivolous was Sei Shonagon’s
subject-matter: the everyday world within which she herself moved, whose triviality Sei Shonagon had
documented with as much attention as if it had been the shining world of Genji himself. Lady Murasaki’s
criticism notwithstanding, Sei Shonagon’s intimate, seemingly banal style of literature flourished among
the women readers of her time. The earliest known example of this period is the diary of a Heian court
lady known only as the “Mother of Michitsuna”, the
Journal of Summer’s End or
Fleeting Journal. In it,
the author tried to chronicle, as faithfully as possible, the reality of her existence. Speaking of herself in
the
third person, she wrote, “As the days drifted away monotonously, she read through the old novels and
found most of them a collection of gross inventions. Perhaps, she said to herself, the story of her
wearisome existence, written in the form of a journal, might provoke some degree of interest. Perhaps she
might even be able to answer the question: is this an appropriate life for a well-born lady?”
In spite of Lady Murasaki’s criticism, it is easy to understand why the confessional form, the page on
which a woman could appear to be giving “free rein to one’s emotions”, became the favourite reading
matter among Heian women.
Genji presented something of the lives of women in the characters who
surrounded the prince, but
The Pillow Book allowed women readers to become their own historians.
“There are four ways to write a woman’s life,” argues the American critic Carolyn G. Heilbrun. “The
woman herself may tell it, in what she chooses to call an autobiography; she may tell it in what she
chooses to call fiction; a biographer, woman or man, may write the woman’s life in what is called a
biography; or the woman may write her own life in advance of living it, unconsciously, and without
recognizing or naming the process.”
Carolyn Heilbrun’s cautious labelling of forms also vaguely corresponds to the shifting literatures the
Heian women writers produced —
monogatari (novels), pillow-books, and others. In these texts, their
readers found their own lives lived or unlived, idealized or fantasized, or
chronicled with documentary
prolixity and faithfulness. This is usually the case for segregated readers: the literature they require is
confessional, autobiographical, even didactic, because readers whose identities are denied have no other
place to find their stories except in the literature they themselves produce. In an argument applied to gay
reading — which can fairly be applied to women’s reading, to the reading of any group excluded from the
realm of power — the American writer Edmund White notes that as soon as someone notices that he (we
can add “or she”) is different, that person must account for it, and that such accounts are a kind of
primitive fiction, “the oral narrations told and retold as pillow talk or in pubs or on the psychoanalytic
couch”. Telling “each other — or the hostile world around them — the stories of their lives, they’re not