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particularly acute under regulatory frameworks that promote forms of working time 
flexibility beyond conventional working time arrangements of the kind outlined in the 
Model Law. 
The reluctance to keep records may, in part, be due to a broader cultural perception 
that household matters should not to be subject to state oversight. However, this contention 
can easily be rebutted. It is apparent that private households are subject to a range of tax, 
financial and property-related obligations that entail the keeping of records and require 
them to account to state bodies. The need to record and report on domestic workers‘ hours, 
then, can best be understood as part of a continuum of obligations on private households to 
maintain and retain records. 
The approach of the Model Law is to facilitate this record-keeping process, and 
therefore compliance with the law, by outlining the information that should be recorded. 
To this end, a list is enunciated in Part D of the Model Law of the information on which 
working time records should be kept, including, for example, daily and weekly working 
hours, overtime hours and premia, leave days and public holidays, and details of night 
work and on-call work performed. The presence of such a list in statutory or collective 
instruments, however, is not sufficient to ensure widespread compliance with record-
keeping obligations, and the level of concern about the adequacy of documentation is such 
to suggest that a degree of innovation and experimentation would be useful. The strategies 
used would inevitably depend on the setting in which they are deployed, although one 
option would be for a standard ―checklist‖ to be made available to employers, in hard copy 
or online as appropriate. These kinds of technique would be the subject of the periodic 
reviews of the legal framework outlined in the following section.