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2. Three Notions of Sociality for the Analysis of Social Software
By reviewing definitions of Web 2.0 and Social Software, we found out that these two terms are in
most cases used interchangeably and that there are different understandings and concepts of what is
termed social that are underlying these attempts. We will outline these notions in this chapter and work
out our own understanding, which will differentiate between Social Software and Web 1.0, 2.0, 3.0, in
section 3.
2.1. A Structure-Based View of Sociality
The first understanding of Social Software is based on the Durkheimian notion of the social: All
software is social in the sense that it is a product of social processes. It is produced by humans in social
relations. It objectifies knowledge that is produced in society, and it is applied and used in social
systems. Applying Durkheim’s notion of social facts to software means that all software applications
are social. They are fixed and objectified social structures. Also if a user sits in front of a screen alone
and browses information on the World Wide Web, s/he engages in sociality, because, according to
Durkheim, the social facts the user is confronted with on the WWW have an existence of their own,
independent of individual manifestations. Web technologies and Web contents therefore are social
facts. “A social fact is every way of acting, fixed or not, capable of exerting on the individual an
external constraint; or: which is general over the whole of a given society whilst having an existence of
its own, independent of its individual manifestation” [5]. Based on this Durkheimian understanding of
the social, Rainer Dringenberg [6] argues that the Web is a social fact because it is a structure that is
cognized, internalized and about which many people interact in everyday life.
Martin Rost [7] argues
that computer networks are social facts, because they are types of social functions: a social reality sui
generis, that has functions in and shapes society. Once created, they would fulfill certain specific
functions, just like other subsystems of society. Dourish [8] argues that all digital systems – computer
hardware, software, periphery, the Internet, etc. – are social in the sense that they objectify human
intentions, goals, interests, and understandings, i.e., they are social facts defined by human actors and
they influence the behaviour of others. He says that these artefacts are based on “commonly held social
understandings” [8].
For Durkheim, social facts are “existing outside the consciousness of the individual”, “penetrate us
by imposing themselves upon us”; they are crystallized and objectified; they are “beliefs, tendencies
and practices of the group taken collectively” [5]. If we take together the views by Dringenberg, Rost,
and Dourish, then they tell us that technological artefacts such as computers or computer networks
reflect certain common interpretations of the world of certain groups and by using technologies these
meanings shape our thinking and action. Durkheim mentioned moral rules, aphorisms, popular
sayings, articles of faith, standards of taste, laws, and the financial system as examples of social facts.
He did not mention technology. Nonetheless his notion can also be applied to technologies. One can
understand the approach of the Social Construction of Technology (SCOT) as being implicitly
Durkheimian. Pinch and Bijker [9] argue that technologies are socially constructed, their design is a
manifestation of how groups interpret the social world, which problems they see, and which solutions
to these problems they consider adequate. “Meanings can get embedded in new artefacts” [10].
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