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The Invisible Culture
;
Cazden,
Classroom Discourse
.
13. J. Gee, “Narrativization of Experience in the Oral Style,” 24; see also Cazden,
Classroom Discourse
.
14. E. Kennedy, “A Multilevel Study of Elementary Male Black Students and White
Students,” 107. Black male students were also more responsive to school size and the
overall socioeconomic status (SES) level at schools, so that smaller schools with lower
overall SES composition increased their comfort in participating in class. Id., 109. There
is some controversy around the concept of culturally different learning styles and needs.
See J. Mitchell, “Black Children after the Eighties.” The dangers of crude or essentializing
approaches obviously loom large in this area. But carefully contextualized work has
actually demonstrated that improved learning resulted for some minority children from
application of difference-oriented pedagogical techniques. See, for example, Hue-Pei and
Mason, “Social Organizational Factors in Learning to Read”; Barnhardt, “Tuning In”;
Tharp, “Psychocultural Variables.”
15. Weinstein, “The Classroom as a Social Context,” 525.
16. Morine-Dershimer, “Instructional Strategy.”
17. Bossert,
Tasks and Social Relations
.
18. Weinstein, “The Classroom as a Social Context,” 505, 514.
19. Id., 519.
20. See, e.g., Philips, “Participant Structures and Communicative Competence” and
The Invisible Culture
.
21. See Anyon, “Social Class and the Hidden Curriculum”; Lubeck, “Kinship and
Classrooms”; Wilcox, “Differential Socialization in the Classroom.”
22. Mickelson, “The Case of the Missing Brackets,” 80–82.
23. Trujillo, “A Comparative Examination of Classroom Interactions,” 639.
24. Id., 639–640; this differential treatment did not appear to extend to graduate stu-
dents, of whom professors seemed to have similar expectations regardless of race.
25. Smedley et al., “Minority-Status Stresses.” For a general review, see Sedlacek,
“Black Students on White Campuses.”
26. See, e.g., Fox, “Women and Higher Education,” 241, 244, 249. But also note that
there are indications that some black women receive strong support from their families in
their college ambitions: “There is evidence . . . that black parental attitudes have tradition-
ally been relatively more favorable to college education for daughters than for sons.”
Carnegie Commission on Higher Education,
Opportunities for Women in Higher Educa-
tion
, 41.
27. Smedley et al., “Minority-Status Stresses,” 434.
28. Banks, “Gender Bias in the Classroom.”
29. Id., 535–536.
30. Homer and Schwartz, “Admitted but Not Accepted.”
31. Guinier et al.,
Becoming Gentlemen,
27 n. 74, 46, n. 117; for reports on other law
schools, see Dowd, “Diversity Matters” (University of Florida Law School); L. Wilson and
Taylor, “Surveying Gender Bias” (Northern Illinois University College of Law).
32. Krauskopf, “Touching the Elephant,” 324.
33. Wightman,
Women in Legal Education
.
34. Gulati et al., “The Happy Charade.” The authors note potential skewing in their
results regarding third-year students, as it is the more motivated students who show up
for class at this point in law school. (In fairness, it should be noted that a number of
previous studies in this area faced difficulties—difficulties that Gulati and his coauthors
did not—with response rates, so that there are relatively few existing studies without
260
Notes to Pages 176–179
some kind of methodological problem limiting our reading of their results. Because my
study relies on observational research, I use summaries of other kinds of research sim-
ply to provide a broad backdrop for this study, focusing more intensively only on other
observational studies.)
35. Id. “Gloomy” responses included students indicating that they were pessimistic
about their future career opportunities and dissatisfied with their law school experiences;
in addition, they felt that law school was unnecessarily competitive, and they did not agree
that faculty treated students respectfully.
36. See discussion of context in Chapter 9.
37. See Mertz et al., “What Difference Does Difference Make?,” 63–64.
38. Note that two of the three classes with the smallest racial disparities had dispari-
ties in favor of students of color.
39. See also findings from Yale Law Women,
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