The Invisible Constitution in Comparative Perspective



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The Invisible Constitution in Comparative Perspective by Rosalind Dixon (editor), Adrienne Stone (editor) (z-lib.org)

Minister for Immigration and Citizenship (2008) 233 CLR 601, 623 [39], 635 [83] note 95, and 

656 [171], 635 [83] (Kirby J).

124 

Goldsworthy, chapter note, 168–70.



125 

See Section 

4.4.4

.



 

The Implicit and the Implied in a Written Constitution 

139


other laws.

126


 Consider the extent to which judges should remedy failures on 

the part of the constitution’s makers to expressly provide for problems. They 

may have failed to anticipate a problem, because it was very unlikely to arise, 

or because they were too busy, or insufficiently astute, to do so.

When interpreting statutes, judges are often reluctant to rectify failures of 

that kind, preferring to leave it to the legislature to do so. But when dealing 

with a constitution, it is arguable that they should be more willing to provide 

a solution. If, because of the framers’ oversight, a constitution might fail to 

achieve one of its main purposes, the potential consequences are grave. They 

include the danger of constitutional powers being abused, of the democratic 

process or the federal system being subverted, of human rights being egre-

giously violated and so on. If the constitution is extremely difficult to amend 

formally or if amendment requires action by the very politicians who pose the 

threat that needs to be checked, there may be good reasons for the judges to 

act. True fidelity to the constitution might justify this.

As the great American jurist Learned Hand observed: ‘In construing writ-

ten documents it has always been thought proper to engraft upon the text 

such provisions as are necessary to prevent the failure of the undertaking’. But 

because this is ‘a dangerous liberty, not lightly to be resorted to’, it is essential 

that the need be ‘compelling’ and the interpolated provision be confined ‘to 

the need that evoked it’.

127


The upshot is this. A genuine structural implication is an implicit assump-

tion that satisfies the obviousness test. This is because, since the lawmakers 

did not expressly mention it, they must be shown to have taken it for granted

which requires that it was too obvious to need mentioning or perhaps even to 

be noticed. A structural provision that satisfies the test of practical necessity 

but not that of obviousness was presumably omitted because of some mistake 

on the lawmakers’ part; they must have failed to appreciate either its necessity, 

or the need expressly to mention it. The Court may be justified in correcting 

that mistake, to ensure that the law is efficacious, by in effect inserting the 

provision into it, provided that it does not violate any side constraint imposed 

by the lawmakers’ other purposes or commitments.

128


 But if judges decide to 

rectify a legal instrument, they should frankly acknowledge what they are 

126 

The following passage is derived from J. Goldsworthy, ‘Conclusions’, in J. Goldsworthy (ed.), 



Interpreting Constitutions, a Comparative Study (Oxford:  Oxford University Press,  2006) 

 

321, 324.



127 

L. Hand, The Bill of Rights (1958), 29; see also 

ibid.

, 14 where he uses the term ‘interpolate’.



128 

See the ‘caveat’ in Section 

4.4.4

, paragraph in which note 75 appears.




140 

Jeffrey Goldsworthy

doing and not hide behind make-believe implications, unless they are morally 

justified by extraordinary circumstances in concealing what they are doing.

129


Arguably, it will often make little difference whether or not an implica-

tion is genuine or legitimately fabricated. Consider this example. Section 7 

of the Australian Constitution empowers the federal Parliament to increase 

or decrease the number of Senators for each state, subject to a guarantee that 

‘equal representation of the several Original States shall be maintained’. This 

guarantee of equality conspicuously fails to mention new states, which can be 

established by the federal Parliament under s. 121, subject to ‘such terms and 

conditions, including the extent of [their] representation in either House of 

Parliament, as it thinks fit’. Does it follow that Parliament could give a new 

state more Senators than the original states each have? That would obviously 

violate what we know to be the intended role of the Senate: an undoubted 

purpose of s. 121, when read with s. 7, was to enable new states to be given 

fewer – but not more – Senators than the original states.

Is that an implicit assumption that was so obvious it ‘went without saying’, 

or – if not – a fabricated implication that may legitimately be inserted into  

s. 121, to restrict the words ‘as it thinks fit’, on the ground that this is practically 

necessary to reconcile the purposes of these provisions? Perhaps it does not 

matter how it is characterised.

4.6.  Implications Inferred from ‘Objective’ Purposes

Aharon Barak maintains that constitutional implications can sometimes be 

inferred from the ‘structure’ of a constitution, which is ‘the architecture under-

lying the constitutional scheme, the constitutional principles which support 

this scheme, and their underlying assumptions’.

130


 That is uncontroversial: we 

have just discussed both genuine, and fabricated, structural implications. But 

Barak also argues that the constitution’s underlying architecture, principles 

and assumptions are best determined by seeking its ‘objective purpose’, which 

is independent of the actual purposes of the constitution’s makers.

131


 This con-

sists of ‘the goals, values, and principles that the constitutional text is designed 

129 

See Goldsworthy, chapter note, 183; 



 

J. Goldsworthy ‘The Limits of Judicial Fidelity to Law: 

The Coxford Lecture’ (2011) 24 Canadian Journal of Law and Jurisprudence 305; J. Goldswor-

thy ‘Should Judges Covertly Disobey the Law to Prevent Injustice?’ (2011)  47  Tulsa Law  



Review 133.

130 


A.  Barak, ‘On Constitutional Implications and Constitutional Structure’ in D.  Dyzenhaus 

and M. Thorburn (eds.), Philosophical Foundations of Constitutional Law (Oxford: Oxford  

University Press 2016) 53, 59.

131 


Ibid.

, 54, 68.




 


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