CLR 1, 157 (Gummow J).
358
Rosalind Dixon and Gabrielle Appleby
explicitly contemplated by the federal structure of the Constitution. And in
Kruger, where the issue was one of discrimination against Aboriginal and
Torres Strait Islander Peoples as part of a policy of forced removal of chil-
dren from their families, the Court held that the text of the Constitution did
not support the implication of any general principle of substantive equality.
‘Whatever may be said of the policy which underlay the impugned provi-
sions’, Brennan CJ held, it was ‘impossible to derive a restriction of substan-
tive equality to control the legislative power conferred by section 122’: there
is ‘nothing in the text and structure of the Constitution’ to support such a
limitation.
65
Justice Dawson likewise stressed that ‘a doctrine of equality in
the operation of laws made under the Constitution [does not] appear from the
Constitution’ itself, and that, in his view, it was impermissible for the Court
‘to read into the fact of agreement any implications which do not appear from
the document upon which agreement was reached’.
66
Justice Gaudron held
that there was ‘no room for any implication of a constitutional right to equality
beyond that deriving from Chapter III’,
67
and Gummow J that ‘in the absence
of an anchor in the constitutional text it was [too] a large step to extract from
the whole corpus of the common law a “general doctrine of legal equality”
and treat it as constitutionally entrenched’.
68
Even in the context of ‘hybrid’ rights cases, that is, cases which involve poten-
tial limits on federal power in the name of individual rather than state rights,
such as sections 51(xxvi) and 51(xxxi), the Court has been reluctant to iden-
tify any form of implied limitation on Commonwealth legislative power.
69
In
Kartinyeri, the Court was asked to consider the scope of the Commonwealth’s
power, under section 51(xxvi), to make laws with respect to ‘the people of any
race for whom it is deemed necessary to make special laws’. The Court was
urged to construe the power as limited to a power to pass laws for the ‘benefit’
of the Aboriginal race. Arguments to this effect were made both on the basis
of evolving community standards on international human rights law, and the
amendment to the Constitution in 1967, which aimed to expand the rights
of Indigenous Australians by including them within the scope of the power,
or deleting previous language in section 51(xxvi) providing that ‘race’ for this
purpose was any race ‘other than the aboriginal race in any State’. Several
members of the Court found it unnecessary to address this question, but of
65
(1997) 190 CLR 1, 44–5.
66
Ibid.
, 67.
67
Ibid.
, 113.
68
Ibid.
, 154.
69
See e.g., discussion in Erin Delaney, ‘Justifying Power: Federalism, Immigration, and “Foreign
Affairs”’ (2013) 8 Duke Journal of Constitutional Law and Policy 153.
Constitutional Implications in Australia
359
those justices who did consider the issue, a majority found that there was sim-
ply insufficient basis in the text of the Constitution for inferring such a limited
view of the power.
70
This was despite a very clear shift in other constitutional
jurisdictions and internationally toward recognition of a principle of racial
non-discrimination.
71
It is also arguably one reason why debate continues in
Australia over the need
further to amend the Constitution
to provide constitu-
tional recognition to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples.
72
12.3. Explaining the Resistance
What explains this opposition by Australia’s High Court to the drawing of
rights-based constitutional implications, when in a structural context so
many aspects of the Australian constitutional order depend on constitutional
implications?
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