The Invisible Constitution in Comparative Perspective



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The Invisible Constitution in Comparative Perspective by Rosalind Dixon (editor), Adrienne Stone (editor) (z-lib.org)

Iddo Porat

constitution of the Basic Laws into a full and operative constitution. In order 

to do that he had to bridge the gap between text and ideal. This section will 

describe this move.

Soon after the enactment of the two Basic Laws of 1992, Justice Barak wrote 

a law review article maintaining that the two new Basic Laws amounted to a 

“constitutional revolution.”

27

 In it he already laid down all the principles of the 



interpretative framework that would later be adopted by the Supreme Court.

It took three more years until most of this framework was adopted. This 

occurred in the 1995 Mizrahi case and a few more judicial decisions that com-

pleted it.

28

9.2.1.  The Opening Paragraphs of Mizrahi: Reality and Ideal

The Mizrahi case involved an appeal by the Mizrahi Bank and other Israeli 

banks, in which they wished to invalidate a law which absolved debtors from 

their debts to the banks, because it conflicted with the right to property pro-

tected by the Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty. It was the first case in 

which the Court took upon itself the task of determining the status of the new 

two Basic Laws of 1992 with regard to conflicting legislation. President Barak’s 

opinion in Mizrahi opens with the following two paragraphs, setting the stage 

for the framework of his interpretation:

In March 1992, the Knesset enacted Basic Law: Freedom of Occupation 

and Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty. The enactment of these two 

Basic Laws effected a substantive change in the status of human rights under 

Israeli law. Such rights became constitutionally protected and were accorded 

supra-legislative constitutional status. They cannot be changed by “regular” 

legislation. A regular law cannot infringe a protected human right unless 

the constitutional requirements set forth in the Basic Law have been met. 

The failure of a regular law to meet those requirements renders it uncon-

stitutional. Such a law is constitutionally flawed and the Court may declare  

it void.

Israel is a constitutional democracy. We have now joined the community 

of democratic countries (among them the United States, Canada, Germany, 

Italy and South Africa) with constitutional bills of rights. We have become 

part of the human rights revolution that characterizes the second half of the 

twentieth century.

29

27 


Aharon  Barak, “The Constitutional Revolution: Protected Fundamental Rights” (1992)  1 

 

Haifa Law Review 9 (Hebrew).

28 

Mizrahi, Supra note 3.

29 


Ibid.

, at 164.




 

The Platonic Conception of the Israeli Constitution 

279


Note the intermingling of ideal and of fact – of the picture President Barak 

wishes to see, and the one he encounters in reality – and the heroic attempt to 

bridge the gap between the two. The second paragraph represents the ideal –  

“the community of democratic countries (among them the United States, 

Canada, Germany, Italy and South Africa) with constitutional bills of rights.” 

The ideal is a Western democracy with a full-fledged constitution and a com-

plete bill of rights. This “has become the norm.” The first paragraphs starts 

with reality – “[i]n March 1992, the Knesset enacted Basic Law: Freedom of 

Occupation and Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty.” It must be obvious 

to Barak, as it is to anyone reading these two Basic Laws and knowing the his-

tory behind them, that they do not amount to this ideal picture. As mentioned 

before, they do not include a complete bill of rights, but only a very partial 

list of rights, and they leave uncertain their superiority and the authority of 

the court to strike down laws conflicting with them. They are obviously not a 

complete constitution. The bridging between ideal and reality comes in the 

words of Barak himself, as if creating reality by stipulation: “Israel is a consti-

tutional democracy. We have now joined the community of democratic coun-

tries . . . with constitutional bills of rights” – two stipulations of fact, without any 

holding in the legal reality that existed prior to them. Their mere utterance, 

however, helped them become reality.

Barak uses very ambiguous terms in these paragraphs in order to mask the 

facts that do not fit the ideal: “The enactment of these two Basic Laws effected 

a substantive change in the status of human rights under Israeli law. Such 

rights became constitutionally protected and were accorded supra-legislative 

constitutional status.” What do the words “such rights” refer to? One might 

assume that they refer only to the rights that were included in the two Basic 

Laws. But the previous sentence refers to a change in “the status of human 




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