his views in Mark Walters, “Federalism in its Biggest Sense: Justice Louis LeBel and the Feder-
al Idea in Canadian Constitutional Law” in Dwight Newman and Malcolm Thorburn (eds.),
540
David Schneiderman
role to play, for these reasons, in future constitutional litigation. The worry is
that it provides easy cover for contestable constitutional maneuvers, imposing
a rule of political morality where there may be little consensus.
The contestable nature of unwritten principles, I surmise, helps to
explain the Court’s reluctance to robustly endorse them since the Secession
Reference. The justices, instead, are aware that there is much work that legal
federalism can do (as in the Securities Act Reference). The Court can answer
constitutional questions with some jurisprudential specificity using more con-
ventional resources.
When it departs from its more traditional methods and refers to unwritten
principles, this signals the Court is being attentive to the institutional con-
text in which it operates. Though this context will be present in many cases,
overt departures from conventional legal methods entail risks for the Court.
Presumably, the justices will embark on such a course only when other tradi-
tional legal methods fail to generate reasons consistent with their preferred out-
comes. With its reputation hanging in the balance, the members of the Court
were willing to take such a risk in the high stakes Secession Reference so as to
generate an unwritten constitutional duty to negotiate. No such reputational
risk was at play in Quebec v. Canada, and so nothing more was required. The
majority of the justices could proceed along a more conventional path even
though the outcome threatened to unleash a backlash, of a sort, from Quebec
elite opinion. Then again, that opinion could have been attentive to the fact
that an unwritten principle of federal loyalty worked in both directions – that
it could hamper the Quebec National Assembly should it disrespect its federal
partner sometime in the future. Sticking to conventional judicial methods
turns out to have been the shrewder, and more cautious, course of action.
Canada’s unwritten constitution could safely be cabined until the next occa-
sion when members of the Court need to get creative.
541
In its first landmark judgment, in 1990, the Constitutional Court of Hungary
abolished the death penalty.
1
The interpretation on human dignity, both a
moral value and a constitutional right, served as
an example for the Ukrainian,
Lithuanian, Albanian, and South African constitutional courts.
2
But this is not
the only reason why the judgment has been echoed in a number of studies
and judgments. Chief Justice Sólyom expressed in obiter dicta that he was
applying the invisible constitution:
The Constitutional Court must continue its effort to explain the theoret-
ical bases of the Constitution and the rights included in it and to form a
coherent system with its decisions in order to provide a reliable standard of
constitutionality – an “invisible Constitution” – beyond the Constitution,
which is often amended nowadays by current political interests; and
because of this “invisible Constitution” probably will not conflict with
the new Constitution to be established or with future Constitutions. The
Constitutional Court enjoys freedom in this process as long as it remains
within the framework of the concept of constitutionality.
3
On the face of it, the early message about the Hungarian variety of invis-
ible constitution may appear to correspond to the renowned concept from
Laurence Tribe. The fact is, however, that this innovation did not exert influ-
ence on Tribe’s book in any way. Indeed, the notion of the invisible consti-
tution has never been adopted explicitly per curiam in Hungary. In spite of
1
Judgment 23/1990 (X. 31.) HCC.
2
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