part of higher education, which continues the public school system, academic
libraries serve as a kind of culmination of the library mission and an ideal for the
rest of the profession. On the other hand, their specialized and exclusive nature
appears to diverge from the public service mission. For our purpose, we can
interpret academic libraries as an outgrowth of the self-improvement aspect of
service with little interest in recreation. To the inevitable question in library ori-
entations of
“
Do you have any fun books to read?
”
, many academic librarians
can offer little more than:
“
If you think
Moby Dick
is fun
…
”
Entertainment has
been regarded as largely outside the purview of academic libraries. But as with
public libraries, a look back in history enables a deeper understanding of this part
of the profession and its relevance to persons with ID.
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Academic Libraries
Harvard University, the College of New Jersey (later Princeton University), and
other colleges, many located in New England, predate the American Revolution.
As such, they inherited a much older university tradition going back to the
medieval period. Nevertheless, the colonial environment put a distinct stamp on
them, so as with public libraries, it is convenient to begin our review with the
American Revolution. Library services for colleges at this time were virtually
nonexistent due to assumptions about the purpose of education. While higher
learning had developed an extensive methodology and body of knowledge, it was
essentially static. The world was considered
fi
xed scienti
fi
cally and philosophi-
cally, and education sought only to preserve this body of knowledge for subse-
quent generations. The curriculum was derived, with little variation, from
medieval Europe with roots that went back to the classical world. It consisted of a
“
trivium
”
of logic, grammar, and rhetoric which prepared the way for the
“
quadrivium
”
of arithmetic, geometry, music, and astronomy which led to the
highest level of philosophy and theology. One can discern in this rigid hierarchy,
the outlines of higher and lower types of literature which exerted in
fl
uence on
public libraries.
The stasis of this curriculum extended into the method of teaching it. Since
there was nothing new to discover, there was no reason for questioning. Much of
the learning was done through memorization or discussion along familiar themes.
With no need for discovery, there was no need for new books or an extensive
library collection. The college library housed standard texts in a small space, a
room or even a locked cabinet. The expense of the books combined with the lack
of a need to consult them outside of class led to heavy restrictions against
borrowing or even accessing them. Libraries opened typically for a few hours on
one day of the week. The short time required for simple guard duty of the
collection commanded low pay, and the librarian role was typically
fi
lled part-
time by a faculty member as an undesirable assignment. Even when the library
was open, a fear of
fi
re kept the area poorly lit, and some libraries were closed for
much of the dark winter months. Under these circumstances, the precursors of
academic libraries were essentially dormant. Yet, in this limbo, the college
libraries testi
fi
ed indirectly to a particular vision of education. In something of a
foreshadowing of the modern notion of a
“
liberal education,
”
the goal of college
was not simply the acquisition of knowledge. That could eventually be done in
one
’
s trade. The goal was a total personal development into a
“
Christian gen-
tleman.
”
That is, a person with fundamental knowledge and the tools for thinking
systematically as well as a character founded on Christian values. Such an indi-
vidual would be the kind of sturdy citizen required by the new nation. This goal
was not unlike that of the social libraries which had a similar purpose and served
to identify the elite. College libraries extended the idea of service as self-
improvement even if the libraries themselves did little.
Yet, active young minds could not abide such constraint without some relief.
(Dartmouth students rebelled against the many restrictions on borrowing library
books by throwing them down stairs (Hamlin, 1981, p. 36).) More constructively,
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the students formed literary societies to discuss topics of interest for which they
compiled their own libraries of books in support. This alternative curriculum was
one whisper of change. Another was travel by students and scholars to the
universities of Europe, especially Germany. The University of Gottingen had
achieved recognition as the leading university of Europe with a special eminence
in mathematics which it was to retain until the
fl
ight of its leading scholars to the
United States to escape Nazi persecution. German universities followed a radi-
cally different model from the United States and England (Rothstein, 1976, p. 80).
Rather than focusing on teaching, the Germans sought to produce new knowl-
edge through scienti
fi
c experimentation and research. Teaching and learning took
place as a matter of course in a participatory format called the seminar. Teachers
and students in small groups worked together on projects with the aid of a
specialized collection of books. Their
fi
ndings issued in publications which served
to fuel more seminars in a progression of knowledge. Visitors from the United
States were quick to the see the connection between the impressive results of
German universities and their research-oriented methodology.
These observations underwent a period of gestation as they mingled with other
cultural forces in the United States. No doubt the Civil War with its centralized,
systematic orientation, and its interest in production played a role. In any case,
American colleges shifted decisively to a German research model which empha-
sized the production of new knowledge rather than its mere preservation (Shi
fl
ett,
1981, p. 61). Knowledge came from knowledge. So just as the proverbial rejected
stone became the cornerstone, the neglected libraries became the centerpiece of
the new university. The start of this new era is identi
fi
ed with the opening of Johns
Hopkins University with a modern library under President Daniel Coit Gilman in
1876 (Budd, 2005, p. 23; Hamlin, 1981, p. 3; Rothstein, 1976, p. 81). This year,
which also saw the establishment of the ALA, is considered the beginning of the
modern library era. Janice Radway has noted that the ALA at this critical
moment explicitly espoused both types of service that had informed library his-
tory:
“
By 1879, when the ALA adopted a motto also drafted by Dewey
– ‘
The
best reading for the greatest number at the least cost
’ –
the profession of
fi
cially
had committed itself to the potentially con
fl
icting ideals of cultural uplift and
cultural outreach at the same time
”
(Radway, 2007, p. 246). Academic libraries,
as a subset of the profession, changed the substance of their self-improvement
from the cultivation of gentlemen to the production of knowledge, yet the
emphasis remained on self-improvement with little attention to recreation. The
new goal was to assemble the largest possible collection of books. Not only were
the books repositories of knowledge, but they also served as symbols of prestige
which had the secondary effect of attracting eminent scholars who relied on the
books. With these incentives, academic libraries turned to acquiring books with
all the energy of their rapidly industrializing nation (Shi
fl
ett, 1981, p. 124).
Harvard University, with its long history, had an advantage but it soon faced
challenges from the likes of the University of Illinois at Urbana
–
Champaign,
founded in the late nineteenth century in what was then a noisome swampy
frontier (Solberg, 2000, p. 38). In short order, new land grant universities across
the nation vied with older Eastern colleges for larger collections in an academic
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environment based on publication. It was at this time that academic libraries
formulated a new identity for themselves as
“
the heartbeat of campus,
”
a far cry
from the moribund and neglected service in the early years of the profession
(Shi
fl
ett, 1981, p. 134).
The Professionalization of Academic Libraries
While the general trend pointed toward the self-improvement dimension of
librarianship, the tension between upholding standards and accommodating
patrons continued within the new type of academic libraries. Impetus for both
came from the irrepressible Melvil Dewey who was instrumental in founding the
ALA in the same year as Johns Hopkins University. The vast new collections of
academic libraries needed the services of a professional staff which Dewey pro-
vided. He started by opening the
fi
rst library school which, along with an of
fi
cial
association, helped to establish librarianship as a profession. This school was
founded in an academic environment, Columbia University, and started with
women students, a trend which has persisted in the preponderance of female staff
up to the present day (Thompson, 1977, p. 135). The inclusion of women
unleashed a cluster of gender issues which has yet to be untangled. Dewey actually
de
fi
ed a direct prohibition against admitting women to his school in violation of
academic tradition which would seem to make him a champion of diversity.
Women, ironically, were
fi
rst admitted to libraries as staff rather than as patrons.
Yet, Dewey
’
s purpose was not as elevated as
fi
rst appeared. One of his reasons for
training and hiring women was their willingness to do more labor for less pay
than their male counterparts. Moreover, accusations of sexual harassment fol-
lowed Dewey and stand only to tarnish his legacy as history reevaluates his work
(Jackson, 1974, p. 365; Wiegand, 1996, pp. 372
–
373).
The impact of Dewey
’
s female staff on the profession was also somewhat
con
fl
icted. Dewey directed much of his great energy toward ensuring that the
massive new collections of academic libraries would be accessible to students.
Through his ceaseless prodding, libraries expanded their hours to every day of the
week for the entire day and into the evening. Moreover, Dewey almost single-
handedly created a reference service that was adopted in academic libraries and
trickled down to public libraries. Trained staff were available to assist patrons in
fi
nding their books in the giant new collections organized under new classi
fi
cation
systems (also partly Dewey
’
s work). The fact that these helpful staff were pleasant
young women, otherwise absent from universities, gave libraries an extra appeal.
The new service represented an attempt to accommodate the patrons and ease
their work. Yet behind this pleasant façade, the tension persisted between the
paradigms of master and servant. With the new mission of the universities, some
librarians wondered whether their new role included guiding the reading of stu-
dents in the manner of a teacher and not just a technical worker. Dewey dis-
agreed. His vision of system and order dictated that librarians be technical
workers with no involvement in the work of the mind (Carroll, 1970, p. 12;
Lerner, 1998, p. 198). With typical decisiveness, he crushed any dissent in library
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schools which were his sole creation. Moreover, his authoritarian style imposed a
very demanding workload on his library students some of whom suffered nervous
breakdowns So did a number of his prot´eg´es who internalized his drive
(McReynolds, 1990, pp. 202
–
203). Dewey
’
s harshness also impacted library
patrons directly in his habit of depositing nasty notes of reprimand with students
who violated his policies on silence or eating. He even carefully instructed his
female librarians to balance friendliness with a certain cool distance in their
manner (Hamlin, 1981, p. 143; Wiegand, 1996, pp. 84
–
192). The roles of master
and servant remained deeply intertwined in Dewey
’
s legacy. No doubt, he did
much to professionalize librarians and enable them to provide better service to
large numbers of people. But his rigid authoritarianism in the treatment of his
staff and the operation of libraries very likely contributed to the anxiety which
patrons continue to feel for them.
“
It is not hard to understand why library
patrons might have felt fearful even when the profession was trying to convince its
public that the library was an attractive, appealing, and welcoming place. What
with strict enforcement of the rule against talking, closed stacks in some libraries,
the profession
’
s continuing embarrassment about
fi
ction and popular literature,
and its stern promotion of the classics and serious reading, it is no surprise that
some people continued to feel inferior and ill-informed in the library
”
(Radway,
2007, p. 249). Within the rari
fi
ed world of academic libraries, the tensions within
library service continued to shape the profession in its own staff and policies, as
they did in public librarianship.
Even after Dewey had left the scene, academic libraries in the early twentieth
century continued his work of professionalization. From their sheer size, collec-
tions became divided by academic subject areas to re
fl
ect the structure of the
university. Librarians also strove to match the growing collections with reference
service that could make the books available. Specialization accompanied pro-
duction as the enormous library buildings divided into semi-autonomous subject
departments (French & Bell, 1999, p. 91; Hamlin, 1981, p. 140; Rothstein, 1976,
p. 89; Wiegand, 1999, p. 6). Such was the complexity of libraries, that librarians
initiated teaching (bibliographic instruction) to help the users make sense of it all.
As their roles grew and re
fl
ected the functions of faculty members, academic
librarians began to wonder if they might be considered faculty in their own right
with the accompanying privileges (Shi
fl
ett, 1981, pp. xii, 153). This remains
an ongoing debate with some academic librarians having faculty status and
others not.
Post-WWII society and the Great Society legislation of the 1960s brought
academic librarianship to its apogee with large budgets and massive collections
fi
nely subdivided into specialization. Yet, the same period threw society into
turmoil with its counterculture and its global, often violent, reassessment of social
norms. Some of this served in the words of Martin Luther King Jr. as a
“
creative
tension
”
which produced, among other things, the movement of multiculturalism
and a heightened awareness of diversity. Universities generated many of these
new ideas. They affected academic libraries internally in a revision of their highly
bureaucratic and authoritarian systems. Librarians and staff sought greater
autonomy and rights from their superiors as did much of the rest of society. Yet
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little changed in the way of library services. On the issues of diversity, such as the
admission of women and minorities, libraries were tied to the policies of uni-
versities that lay outside of their control and could only serve individuals who
were admitted with the same kinds of tools as before (Mathuews, 2016, p. 17).
Academic libraries have also participated in campus efforts aimed at diversity.
Perhaps it is in their strong anti-censorship stance and their diverse collection
policies that academic libraries have made the largest contribution on this issue.
Academic libraries have also embraced accommodation of disability largely
de
fi
ned in physical terms through the same assistive technologies as public
libraries. But there has been no additional effort toward accommodating indi-
viduals with ID.
As mentioned, library service to patrons with ID is extremely limited up to
very recently. Yet, our review uncovers a signi
fi
cant potential for improvement
that emerges in the evolution of library services. Both public and academic
libraries have been formed by the same tension in their concept of service between
guiding readers and accommodating their interests
–
as both master and servant
–
since the Revolutionary era. Under this in
fl
uence, modern public libraries began
with a service that was well intentioned but rigid and controlling in terms of its
collection, its patrons, and a generally condescending attitude. But during the
twentieth century, the original library mission was adapted to new populations
with additional services, and the general attitude relaxed into greater tolerance.
The servant came to dominate over the master in the library
’
s identity. As a result,
much in the tradition of public libraries prepares them to extend their services
even further to individuals with ID and their specialized demands. What is lacking
now is a feasible, low-cost method for doing so.
In contrast, academic libraries have pursued a different arc. Relative to public
libraries they have always emphasized self-improvement, standards, and the role
of master. Library anxiety in new students remains a problem in spite of (or
perhaps because of) Dewey
’
s original efforts to make collections available. The
focus of academic libraries appears very different from the elementary level
associated with the education of persons with ID. Nevertheless, the same forces as
those for their public counterpart have shaped academic libraries. With this
common heritage, academic libraries may have more relevance to those with ID
than supposed. These are the themes of library service and literacy programming
that have brought the profession closest to serving patrons with ID. To under-
stand how this could be accomplished and to update our story to the present, we
turn now to examine this population.
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