Table of Contents Intruduction
The elements of globalization in Shiism
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- Bu sahifa navigatsiya:
- Awaiting the Promised Day
- Globalism and the Approach of Divine Religions to It
- Globalization and the Outlook for Faraj A Look at the Potentials of Globalization for an Understanding of the Idea of Faraj
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The elements of globalization in Shiism There are some unique characteristics in Shiism that make it more compatible with globalization compared to other religions and schools of thought. What is called the challenges of other religion during the globalization era are not those of Shiism due to these features. In a general overview, all religions maintain that their message is universal and eternal and that they bring peace, justice and felicity for the entire mankind. But when we it comes to confronting the realities, particularly with regard to setting up a political structure, there are some potential elements in Shiite that make it more capable of globalization. Theoretically, these capabilities make Shiite a proactive religion in global sense. The main points which have increased the capabilities of Shiism for globalization are discussed below:
Regarding the principle of following a living jurisprudent which is of the main of principles in Shiism, Motahari states: "…The Muslims face many new problems in their every day life and do not know what to do about them? Living jurisprudents with dynamic thoughts are required to fulfill this need. A tradition on the individual inference states: "Regarding the new problems refer those who narrate our traditions." The new problems are those which occur every year or period or very century. A review of the jurisprudential books reveals that new issues have come to the fore that have been answered by the jurisprudents." (Motahari, 1987, P. 120) Based on this principle it is possible to infer the new rules based on main principles and also adjust them with the requirements of time and space. Thus the understanding of this issue may help us in the process of globalization. In this regard Motahari states: "Basically, the secret of individual inference lies in its adjustment with the requirements of time and space. The mjtahid (one who infers the new decrees) is one who is able to understand this secret. He should be able to understand the requirements of his time and adjust his inferred decrees with them instead of merely confining himself to the old rules and principles. It would be no great work to change some tiny variations with no regard to the needs of the new era. (Ibid.) The very dynamic principles have made it possible for many principles of modernity to have a peaceful coexistence with the Islamic values. In fact it has been through rational rethinking and revisions that some principles of modernity have been indigenized and lived on the side of the Islamic values. This approach has been achievable only through dynamic individual inference. Motahari explains the constant or fixed and changeable rules of individual inference: "Islam has a kind of secret and internal system which introduces changes by itself, not by anybody, like scholars, to make those changes. The scholars can only discover those changes, but do not make those changes." (Motahari, Islam and Requirements of Time, 1983, Vol. 2, P. 14) Those who are aware of the requirements of their time would not face problems. (Majlesi, Bihar ul Anwar, Vol. 68, P. 307) Imam Sadegh has been quoted as saying: "A wise should be aware of the requirements of his time." (Ibid.)
3 - Justice – Justice is a fundamental pillar in Shiism. It clearly demonstrates itself in all aspects of this school of thought. For instance from the appointment of the rulers to prayers-leader a small mosque justice is a principal condition. In Shiism justice applies to the entire universe. In other words, it is both subjective and objective: "The heaven and earth stand on the pillar of justice." (Ibn Abi Jumhur, 1982, Vol. 4, P. 103) "While He has raised the sky up and placed scales (there)." (55: 7) Justice is the ultimate goal of this school of thought as well, for the reappearance of the last savoir aims to establish justice and realize equity: "When he reappears, the world will be illuminated with the divine light, he will establish justice among the people, and no one can oppress any other person." (Majlesi, 1998, Vol. 52, P. 322) Moreover the Shia political history has a record of a just government which was carried out during the rule of the Commander of the Faithful (Imam Ali). According to some traditions, the following Quranic verse refers to Imam Ali: "…Who gives just orders and is on a Straight Road" (16: 76) Elaborating on the above mentioned verse, Imam Bagher has been quoted as saying: "He is the Commander of the Faithful and he is on a Straight Road." (Karajaki, 1980, P. 129) Justice is an ideal that all human beings have been striving to achieve in all times and eras.
Based on this message of Shiism is not confined to time or space, globalization will naturally take place. Awaiting the Promised Day Have Islam and other religions, as well as all the thinkers, in the past and present, when who think of globalization; achieved their sacred and sublime goal? Or, are they still awaiting the Promised Day? According to Islamic traditions, God never disappoints his veracious servants of their wishes and they will get their dreams realized in this world. This promise has been repeated by God in the scriptures through the sayings of all divine prophets (including Psalms of David) and also in the Quran and surly God will fulfill His promise: "God does not break any appointment." (13: 31) In this regard the holy Quran staes: "We have written in the Psalms following the Reminder: "My honorable servants shall inherit the earth." In this is a proclamation for folk who are worshipful. We have merely sent you as a mercy for [everybody in] the Universe." (21: 105-107) There are some points which are underlined in the above verse: First, it promises “rule of virtuous people” on the earth which has been foretold by great prophets “We have written in Psalms." Second, this is another blessing for the selected servants to abide by this promise and the day will come for them to realize their dream: “In this is a proclamation for folk who are worshipful."
Do not be disturbed by the misdeeds of wrong-doers; do not get angry on mischievous people; for they are perishing like weeds and will fade out soon. Turst in God and be righteous and always remain with God to be happy with Him. He is the one to realize your dreams; so trust in Him. Be silent in His presence, keep patience and wait for His blessing. Those who await His blessing will surly be blessed. God protects the honorable life of the righteous people and will grant them eternal heritages. The righteous will inherit the universe and will rule over it forever. Pin your hopes on the divine blessings and respect His commandments. He will bless and make you proud when the time reaches. God will make the righteous triumphant and will protect them in hardships; He will help them all the times, for they have reached for His help. References: 1 – The holy Quran. 2 – Nahj ul Balagha. 3 – Ibn Abi Jumhur, Awali al-Liali, Qum, Sayyid ul Shohada Publishers, 1982, Vol. 4. 4 – Ibn Athir, Ali bin Muhammad, Tarikh Kamil, Tehran, Asatir, 1991. 5 – Ibn Khaldun, Abdul Rahman bin Muhammad, Muqadameh Ibn Khaldun, Tehran, Center for Scientific Publications, 1983. 6 – Sadr Muhammad Baqir, Our Economy, Qum, Office for Islamic Propagations, 1996. 7 – Sadr Muhammad Baqir, Al-Islam Yaqud ul Hayat, Tehran, Ministry of Islamic Guidance, 1403 hegira. 8 – Karajaki, Muhammad bin Ali, Kinz ul Fawaid, Qum, Maktabat ul Mustafawi, 1987. 9 – Majlesi, Muhammad Baqir, Bihar al Anwar, Beirut, Dar ul Rida, 1998, Vols. 52 and 68. 10 – Motahari, Mortaza, Islam and Requirements of Time, Tehran, Sadra, 1983. 11 – Motahari, Mortaza, Ten Speeches, Tehran, Sadra, 1987. 12 – Motahari, Mortaza, Six Articles, Qum, Sadra, 2001.
Globalization is a kind of conceptualization for the trend of developments the world has witnessed since mid-twentieth century and in which the role of states and nation as well as the domestic laws are diminished and instead the role of international law and trends are beefed up. This conceptualization of the current international developments, called globalization, which has been accelerated over the past two decades has drawn the attention of a number of thinkers and scholars who have forwarded various theories in this regard. This trend has influenced the domestic politics, local economies and indigenous cultures. An arena which has been influenced by globalization is the intersection of divine religions with globalization. The present article is an attempt to study the relationship between globalization and religions and consequently the relations of globalization with the interfaith dialogue.i The main question of the present article is: What is the relation of interfaith dialogue with the divine religions, particularly Islam, in the era of globalization? As an introduction, in the first place the subject of globalization should be discussed. The concept is rather new. For the first time in 1961 an authentic dictionary, the Webster, gave some definitions about globalism or globalization, but the application of this concept was limited until the end of the twentieth century. Globalization is normally used in three arenas: Some times it refers to economic globalization with an international open market and international economic structures. The main manifestation of the economic globalization is seen in the World Trade Organization (WTO) whose rules and regulations encroach upon national, local economies. The second arena is the globalization of information revolution which has already taken place as a result of which and due to the application of information technology and Internet, the distances have shrunk and the world has been converted into a global village. The third arena is cultural globalization as a result of which a global culture with common outlooks, values, and ideals has been created, manifesting itself in the form of common art, music and clothes. This common culture in many areas has gone beyond the national cultures as well as the religions.ii Scholars have diverse viewpoints about globalization. Some of them consider it a process; that is, the process of globalization has already been planned by the Westerners, particularly the United States, to dominate the world, but has had an upward trend during the recent decades. Others maintain that globalization is a process which has taken shape with the passage of time. They refer to the globalization of capital in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries and consider the present process the continuation of the previous trends. Still, others consider it a process and a project at the same time, arguing that we have to pay attention to both its advantages and disadvantages. On the basis of this viewpoint, globalism is a process, while globalization is a project.iii Making a distinction between globalizations and globalism would facilitate the analysis of current developments. In globalism, it is the willingness, determination and wish of the nations which is relevant. It is a trend that is accepted by the nations who adjust themselves with it. But in globalization there is a kind of force and intimidation. It is the very same project which has faced the opposition of the nations in many countries of the world – in many cases massive demonstrations have been stages against it. As a matter of fact, it is not really easy to make a clear-cut distinction between the globalization and globalism. Relying on modern tools, this trend is rapidly expanding worldwide.iv With regard to the interaction of the religions with globalism, one cannot talk of outright opposition of the religions with globalism. In fact, theoretically globalism is not in contravention with religion. On the other hand attention should be paid to the fact that inclination towards globalism has somehow been envisaged in almost all the divine religion. Judaism, Christianity, and Islam all have been trying to establish a global government and a united ummah (state). The establishment of a global society and culture has been among the objectives and missions of these religions, indicating that the establishment of a global society or a global village is not theoretically rejected by these religions.v Islam has pointed to globalism in its teachings and the Shias too believe in the formation of a global government by Mahdi (May Allah Expedite His Reappearance). Interestingly, some of the Quranic teachings indicate that the borders, differences, and nations do not have originality in the Islamic international law. On the basis of this notion, the peoples of the world originally constituted a united ummah and society and will ultimately move towards this direction again. The Quran states: “O mankind! We created you from a single (pair) of a male and a female, and made you into nations and tribes, that ye may know each other…” (49: 13) Another Quranic verse states: “And We wished to be gracious to those who were being depressed in the land, to make them leaders and make them heirs.” (28: 5) Still another Quranic verse states: “God has promised, to those among you who believe and work righteous deeds, that He will, of a surety, grant them in the land, inheritance (of power), as He granted it to those before them; that He will establish in authority their religions – the one which He has chosen for them; and that He will change (their state) after the fear in which (they lived), to one of security and peace …” (24: 55) Also another Quranic verse states: “Before this We wrote in the Psalms, after the Message (given to Moses): ‘My servants, the righteous, shall inherit the earth.’” (21: 105) These verses indicate that Islam believes in a global society and God will ultimately delegate the global government to his righteous bondman. Interestingly, the Quran refers to the believers and righteous servants of God in general; it does not merely mention the Muslims. Hence, belief in the Unity of God and commitment to do righteous deed is the foundation of the divine global government. The last Quranic verse mentioned above indicates that this has been part of the mission of all the divine prophets, including Moses and David. The late Tabarsi, an exegete of the Quran, maintains that the word Psalms here refers to the divine book in general. The above argument indicates that globalism and the establishment of a global society has been among the objectives of the prophets, but at the same time the targeted society of the prophets is a religious society in which divine values, spirituality, religious canons, justice and equity will be sovereign. It seems that with regard to interaction between religion and globalization, one should make some distinctions between the layers of the process of globalism and project of globalization. As far as globalism refers to modernism and reflects the philosophical principles of the modernist era, its relations with religion can be discussed from various angles. In elaboration of the principles of globalism, if we come across the principles of modernism, that is, humanism, rationalism, liberalism, and democracy, we have reached the point where the conflict between tradition and modernity from the outlook of religion begins. Hence we cannot make general statements about it.vi The issues of tradition and modernity have been among the hot topics of discussions in the recent centuries, particularly by the Muslim thinkers who have expressed diverse opinions about modernity and modernism. What is certain is that majority of the Muslim thinkers have not stood against modernity and maintain that it is compatible with Islam. However, modernism, as a package, has not been acknowledged by them. The Muslim thinkers search for the roots of most of the objectives of modernism in religion and wherever there is a contradiction between religious values and modernism, they forego the latter.vii The same mentality exists among the followers of other religions as well, leading to the formation of modernist, fundamentalist and moderate currents among the followers of other religions in their interaction with modernism. Another layer of globalism – probably better to be called globalization – which is in the form of a project is a kind of culture-building and export of culture to other parts of the world, which is carried out in the form cultural invasion. The theoreticians of globalization argue that in order to forward the process of globalization, in the first place a universal public culture should be created – a universal culture with its attractions which paves the way for other elements of globalization and introduction of new economic, political, social and military models. This layer of globalization enjoys some civilizational aspects as well and indeed is a part of the project of the New World Order in which instead of reliance on rationalism emphasis is laid on negligence of civilizations, religions and cultures.viii This layer of globalization leaves the reins of the cultures of the nations in the ruthless hands of capitalism with modern technology. Naturally the divine religions resist this aspect of globalization. In fact the global opposition to globalization is directed to this aspect of globalization. It seems that Fukuyama and Huntington are the two theoreticians whose ideas focus on the said aspect of globalization which has steered the protests of the nations, cultures and religions.ix Based on what has been said above, we may infer that globalization is not a simple concept, rather it is a very complicated one with various angles. Therefore one cannot talk of absolute opposition or agreement of the religions with this concept. Contrary to what prima facie seems to happen, during the globalization era, the role of religions does not diminish, rather, attention to religions is increased in other forms. On the other hand, the process of globalization provides the religions with numerous facilities to carry out their propagation. Fortunately the representatives of various religions and their scholars have utilized the vast economic means and information technology to spread their divine mission and propagate their religious principles. At the same time the process of globalization has underlined the necessity and increased the possibility of interfaith dialogue and cooperation among the religions. New technologies have provided more means for visits and exchange of views among the leaders and followers of the divine religions. The number of religious sessions held during the past few decades is not at all comparable with that held earlier. Besides the spread of the culture of tolerance, which is based on religious culture, understanding among the religions is now more possible and the grounds have been prepared for the religious scholars to discuss the commonalities and differences among themselves. Hence, in my opinion, during the globalization era, besides dialogue about theological (apologetic) issues, which existed in the past as well, two new arenas are now open to dialogue and cooperation among the leaders of divine religions. These two areas are the common concern of all the divine religions. The first arena is the issue of tradition and modernity or religion and modernism. All the religions are somehow entangled with the issue of modernity – a trend which over the past few centuries has questioned the domain of sovereignty of religion and forced the believers to revise the religious concepts. We also said that none of the divine religions has taken an absolute stance vis-à-vis modernity rather they have been trying to study its compatibility of incompatibility with religion. The divine religions can share their experiences and exchange their findings and solutions in this regard. This can be materialized in the form of interfaith dialogue. The conflict between tradition and modernism has been one of the major concerns of the Muslim thinkers over the past two decades. In Iran too such religious (Muslim) reformists as Seyed Jamal ul Din Assadabadi, Morteza Motahari, Mahdi Bazargan, Ali Shariati, Seyed Mahmoud Taleqani, and others have endeavored in this regard and wrote a number of books and articles on this topic. Imam Khomeini is probably the greatest contemporary Muslim reformist who offered a solution to the conflict between tradition and modernism in the form of a religious government model and materialized it in the form of the Islamic Republic of Iran in which manifestations of religion and modernism intermingle. Without any doubt, the experiences of the Muslim scholars and ulema are very useful for each other. Another arena for interfaith dialogue for cooperation during the globalization era is interaction about reaction to that aspect of the trend of globalization which is in the form of a project, aggressively invading the religious cultures and values of other nations. The divine religions through coordinating their policies can put a brake on the pace of the adverse influence of the process of globalization on religious cultures and values. One of the most urgent steps to be taken under the present international conditions is probably interaction among the leaders of various religions. In fact, when it comes to the confrontation with the modern innovations of the world, there are two approaches: One group of scholars and religious leaders have pinned absolute hopes on modernity and globalization and overlook the role of religion in establishment of peace and international understanding. The second group are the radical ones who from a religious standpoint express all-out opposition to this trend altogether and push the society towards violence. The violence and terrorism of the past few years and also the unilateral, self-style confrontation of the United States with this phenomenon both have unfortunately been coated with a religious color. The silence of true leaders of religions paves the way for unilateral, radical actions and ideas. Hence, it seems that at this stage it is necessary to return to religion and revive its role in establishment of international peace and global understanding. Only dialogue can block the way to unbridled, unabashed globalization on the one hand and religious radicalism on the other. Unfortunately, globalization and modernity are spreading in a manner today that reminds us of the second principle of thermodynamics. On the basis of this principle a closed system that is fed by itself, will inevitably destroy and annihilate itself. This principle is confirmed by all active systems around us. Regretfully, the modern secular society to a great extent reminds us of a closed system. By relying on a positivistic approach, this system has pinned all its hopes on scientific methods to solve all the problems of mankind. How can we really leave the fate of man to this system, which may stop functioning any time? Under the circumstances when drug and liquor addiction has permeated the world, at a time when the youngsters of the developed world open fire at their classmates in the daylight, at a time when the rate of divorce has touched the figure of 80 percent in the developed world and the foundation of the institution of family is crumbling, and when the United States and Russia, two important countries of the world, have each more than two million prisoners, we need dialogue among religious leaders more than any other time. It seems that a major chunk of these problems stem from the fact that the modern secular societies are void of spirituality. The modern society must realize that without spirituality and religion it is not possible to achieve such sacred objectives as freedom, peace and justice.x Unfortunately, the very fact that the modern society has given up spirituality, has caused the primary objectives to sink into the oblivion.xi In today’s world, about 40 countries in 25 regions of the world are engaged in conflict or are crisis-ridden; about 174 million under-five children in the developing world face malnutrition; 230 million children are retarded and there are 25,000 annual cases of murder in the United States, the standard-bearer of modernity. Under the circumstances when some of the advocates of modernity blame religion for international conflicts and the terrorists, frustrated by the unleashed globalization, resort to the arm, the religious leaders can help restore international peace and security as well as understanding and peaceful coexistence through spread of tolerance which exists in the religious teachings. Hence inter-religious and intra-religious cooperation are the dire needs of the day. These dialogues will on the one hand help bring about transparency about the relations between religions and globalization and on the other underline the role of religion in the establishment of peace, prevention of tension, and solution of conflicts in the world.
The article focuses on the gradual transition to a participatory-democratic culture in the period following the Islamic Revolution. Structural transformations – with such indices as population growth, literacy, institutions of higher education, communications, the relative expansion of the economy, and transportation – in the second decade of the revolution, on the one hand, and the revolution in communications and political and cultural globalization, on the other hand, resulted in intellectual transformation and creation of political and social awareness in Iran. Therefore, during this particular juncture in history, we are witness to a gradual transition from a political culture of obedience to a participatory-democratic political culture in Iran. In the present article, use has been made of the Almond-Powell model, on the three levels of system, process and policymaking, in the analysis of the transformation of political culture in Iran. In the author’s view, at present, Iran has put behind her the period of infancy of the participatory political culture. However, he is of the view that the institutionalization of this culture is contingent upon the removal of sociopolitical vulnerabilities, the establishment of balance between political and economic developments, and, more importantly, the internalization of values and civic notions in the minds of the people as well as the effective implementation of freedom and respect for law and the rights of others.
Political culture is referred to a set of beliefs and values, political understanding and awareness, judgments, emotions and popular attachment to a political system that exerts influence over the political behavior of the citizens. The present era is referred to as the information and communication age. It goes without saying that the increasing level of acquaintance of the people and the educated classes of the countries under autocratic regimes with civic and democratic ideas results in a diminishing of the legitimacy of these regimes and therefore they are forced into initiating political reforms. Under such circumstances, in the last decade of the 20th century and the early years of the 3rd millennium globalization and the communication age have served as the most appropriate groundwork for the evolution and spread of a civic and participatory political culture throughout the world, a trend that is certain to persist into the future. From a broad perspective, it may be claimed that the initial phase of political reforms in Iran is the consequence of the political, cultural and administrative challenges faced by the system of the Islamic Republic during the early part of the third decade of the Islamic Revolution. The renovation and structural developments during the second decade of the Islamic Revolution in such areas as urbanization, communications, mass media, transportation, higher education, rate of literacy, and professional guilds, on the one hand, and globalization and communication revolution, on the other hand, played a role in bringing about the need for political and cultural reforms. In view of the considerable influence of the structural and social developments in the intellectual transformation and political and cultural challenges in Iran, the author of the present lines is of the opinion that the structural and social developments after the Islamic Revolution, together with the information spread through advanced media of communication such as foreign radios, satellites, the Internet and international non-governmental organizations (NGOs) have played a key role in the intellectual transformation of the people of Iran, especially the educated class, as well as in the evolution and spread of civic and democratic ideas among them, in the later part of the second and the early part of the third decades of the Islamic Revolution. This has laid the groundwork for a gradual transition from a political culture of obedience to one of participation, a development that will continue unabated into the coming years. 1. Political culture, its levels and types Research on political culture has a close connection with political development. The existence of a democratic political culture is among the requisite cultural conditions for political development and political development is, in turn, contingent upon a civic and democratic political culture for political competition and participation, since the institutionalization of civic and democratic ideas within the political culture and in the minds of the people is the prerequisite for participatory political behavior. The process of political development comprises two elements of hardware and software. The former consists of political institutions and structures and the latter is made up of the views, civic notions, and a democratic political culture. It goes without saying that the software component of political development has a more prominent role than the hardware aspect. Beliefs and civic notions, as the software element of political development, are formed as a consequence of the influence exerted by structural and social developments in the areas of education, culture, communications, industrialization and social mobility as well as the impact of communication revolution and advanced communication media. Lucian Pay defines political culture as a set of views, emotions and perceptions that dominate the political behavior of a society. The International Encyclopedia of Social Science gives the following definition for political culture: A set of views, beliefs and emotions that impart meaning and order to the political process and determine the fundamental opportunities and the dominant rules of political behavior within the political system.
The existing assumptions underlying political definitions include the following: (1) political culture accords meaning and direction to political processes; (2) political culture gives meaning and direction to the political and social behaviors of the citizens – beliefs, values, understanding and emotions vis-à-vis the political system are the source and context of political action; (3) political culture, over time, undergoes transformation through various societal channels; (4) the individuals in the society internalize beliefs, emotions, values and norms, thus turning them into a part of their personalities and sources of their political and social behavior; (5) the sources of political culture include religion, ideology, popular culture and cultural exchanges with other countries. Gabriel Almond and his colleagues present the outline of political culture on the three levels of system, process and policymaking, the model that forms the basis of the present paper. a) The most important subject discussed on the level of system is the basis and the type of legitimacy of the system and its leaders, i.e. which of the following kinds of legitimacy do they possess: charismatic, traditional-religious, or legal-rational. In other words, the orientation of the citizens in terms of their values, actions and obedience is to a great extent dependent upon the type of legitimacy of the government. Another issue considered on the level of system is the factor that forms the basis of the people’s obedience to the political system, i.e. whether it is founded upon religious loyalty, or the qualities of rationality, or civic and legal foundations. The third subject has to do with the most prominent political and social values of a society and a political system, which comprise a part of the political culture and give meaning and direction to the behavior of the citizens. b) On the level of process, the focus is on participatory institutions, e.g. political parties and groups, as well as the quality of political participation in terms of its intensity or lack thereof. c) The third level of political culture is related to policymaking. On the level of policymaking, the principal priorities of the people are focused on decision-making as a component of political culture. These priorities may include freedom, justice, security and equality. >>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>> The outline of political culture on three levels ! ! ! 1. System level ! a) The type of legitimacy of the system and leaders b) The political and social values of the society c) The basis of people’s obedience to the system 2. Process level ! Political and social participation and participatory channels 3. Policymaking level ! The people’s priorities and preferences regarding policymaking by the officials >>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>> In broad outline, political culture may be divided into the three following categories: a) Parochial political culture. This type of culture is specific to primitive systems that lack structural diversity. These systems are dominated by a tribal culture. They are characterized by popular apathy toward the political system and its decisions as well as by an absence of active participation, and even passivity. The people show no interest in politics and do not view themselves as citizens. b) Submissive political culture, also referred to as traditional political culture. This type of political culture is the dominant form in traditional political cultures of paternalistic, oligarchic, monarchical and centralized bureaucratic type. These systems are characterized by a particular degree of structural diversity and their dominant culture is of the obedient and submissive type. In this kind of political culture, the people acquire a certain level of knowledge and awareness with regard to the political system. The mode of popular participation is of the submissive type and there exist no independent channels of participation. c) Democratic or participatory political culture, which is characteristic of democratic political systems. In this type of culture, individuals view themselves as citizens and possess a relatively sufficient knowledge of the political system. They also exhibit active and voluntary participation in political matters. In this model, the citizens exert influence over the officials’ policy- and decision-making at the level of process. In this type of political culture, civic notions, such as freedom, participation, fundamental rights and freedoms, and accountability constitute the basis for the participatory behavior of the citizens. 2. Globalization and communication revolution Globalization, in its political, cultural and social dimensions, ranked among the most prevalent topics among academic circles in the decade of the 1990s. In the early years of the 3rd millennium, discussions of globalization have come to encompass such topics as the vulnerability and attenuation of political, cultural and economic borders; the weakening of the power of nation-states and the consequent increase in the clout of transnational units such as the United Nations, and international non-governmental organizations and transnational and national social movements. According to Malcolm Waters, globalization is a process wherein geographical constraints and limitations on social and cultural relations are removed and through which the people become increasingly aware of the elimination of these limitations. Paul Cooke defines globalization as the expansion of various relations and ties which form the new order governing the governments and societies. The process of these developments, decisions and activities in one part of the world can have crucial ramifications for people and communities in other parts of the world. Manuel Castles also, through placing emphasis on the idea of the era of communications, considers globalization as the appearance of a type of network society that in addition to being a continuation of the capitalist movement has come to encompass the fields of economy, society and culture. Mark Williams, Harvey and Giddens define globalization as a period of intense compression of time and space which will result in the expansion of social, political and cultural relationships in the world. Therefore, globalization may be considered as a process that results in the expansion of political, economic, cultural and social ties among the players on the national and international levels, as well as in a rise in the power of transnational centers of power at the expense of the influence of nation-states. The characteristics of the era of globalization are as follows: (1) the rise of the global electronic village (Marshal McLuhan); (2) the formation of the global civil society or global democracy (David Held); (3) the revolution and explosion of information and communications (Manuel Castles and Marshal McLuhan); (4) the compression of time and space; (5) the multiplication of transnational actors and the expansion of their power; (6) the expansion of political and social awareness and, in turn, that of democracy as well as the diminishing of the power of autocratic regimes; (7) the end of geography; and (8) the age of cybernetics. Advanced information and communication technologies, developed in the course of the third stage of industrial revolution in the last quarter of the 20th century, are the driving engine of globalization. The relatively fast pace of growth of these communication technologies prompted some to speak of such terms as the global village, the global citizen and the global civil society. Advanced information and communication technologies, such as the Internet, satellites, radio and television, fax and email, have played a key role in the rise of the network society and satellite awareness. This, in turn, has led to the expansion of political, cultural and social links on the global level and within the framework of a tightly-knit nexus. In the words of Daryush Shayegan, the information and communication revolution, through the transfer of the waves, has resulted in the manifestation of the divine attributes of omnipresence and direct agency. From a historical point of view, information, beliefs and perceptions have served as the levers of power for governments, which in the age of mass media should have reached their perfection. However, in the era of formation of the network society, national governments came to encounter three phenomena: (1) the globalization of politics, culture and economy; (2) the ubiquitous spread of information and communication technologies; and (3) the ever-increasing expansion of international NGOs and transnational social movements. The diversification of communication and information dissemination methods, the integration of various media within the framework of a single extensive digital context, and the wider access available to independent media and the possibility of the control of satellite signals and electronic communications through Internet telephone lines have together served as means of vitiating the traditional methods of supervision. The unprecedented expansion of communication technologies and the advancement in cable production technologies have provided instruments for an unprecedented and ever-expanding increase in capabilities for the transfer of information. In the course of the decades of 1980s and 90s, national governments continued to be subjected to various forms of pressure, including that of the public opinion, calling for accountability on the part of governments, the spread of participatory behaviors, fundamental freedoms, and individual and collective security, all of which was more than ever reflected in the media. Of course, it should be borne in mind that though today governments continue to hold their sway over key media, none the less, their supervision is less vigorous than it used to be. In addition, the media are compelled to retain their independence, since it is possible that they would lose their credibility among the agents of the civil society and thus have a smaller circle of audience. It is for this reason that in the age of information and the emergence of the network society and the ever-increasing spread of information dissemination through information technology and the Internet autocratic governments are the losers of the war over the media and information. In other words, their ability to censor the news is considerably curtailed in the face of major obstacles. In the aggregate, the globalization-localization of the media and electronic communication is tantamount to the disappearance of nations and governments from the context of information. On the other hand, in addition to advanced information and communication technologies as means of globalization in the areas of political, culture and economy, also of principal significance have been global social movements and international non-governmental organizations as the major agents in the arena of global civil society, which have played a key role in the promotion of democracy and the culture of participation. Among the important features of the revolution in communications mention may be made of the following: (1) the spread of new technologies and their ubiquitous presence throughout the world; (2) the explosion of time and space; (3) the decoding and demystification of man and society and the clarification of the boundary between illusion and reality; (4) the emergence of network logic; and (5) the expansion and intensification of the political and social awareness of the people throughout the world. All these have greatly contributed to the promotion of a political culture of participation. The consequences of globalization, the revolution in communications, and the emergence of non-governmental organizations in the era of the explosion of information are as follows: (1) the curtailment of the legitimacy of autocratic regimes; (2) the spread of democratization and a political culture of participation; (3) the politicization of ethnic, racial and religious identities; (4) the gradual dwindling of the sovereignty of governments and the rise in the power of transnational centers; and (5) the spread and intensification of political and social awareness and, in turn, an increase in civil and political demands from governments. A summary of theoretical discussions It goes without saying that in the era of revolution in communications, information explosion, and the spread of international non-governmental organizations national borders have become more vulnerable than ever before. The globalization of the economy, politics and culture continues at an ever-increasing pace, a development that continues to transcend economic, political and cultural boundaries. In light of the fact that advanced communication technologies are currently in the hands of western industrial countries, especially the United States, it goes without saying that in the foreseeable future one should expect the spread of western political and civil values and concepts throughout the world and that autocratic regimes would have no choice but to reconcile their ways with democracy and with the culture of political participation. However, it should be borne in mind that democracy, civic values and concepts, and democratic political culture in non-democratic countries have come to mingle with the local cultures and values of these countries and therefore this process of expansion must of necessity take into account the general and political cultures and values of these localities. The next point is that the acceptance of democracy and the concepts deriving from a participatory political culture on the part of non-democratic countries is contingent upon the realization of a series of structural developments. Advancement in the areas of economy, education, communications, transportation and higher education, as well as the expansion of the middle class, industrialization and an increase in urban population constitute the prelude to the formation of civil and democratic behaviors. As a consequence, wherever there is an absence of an advanced degree of such factors as literacy, higher education, a sizeable urban population, a middle class, industrialization, transportation, and advanced mass media the actual and intellectual prerequisites for the acceptance of the messages of communication revolution would be lacking and, in turn, there will be a persistence of an autocratic political culture. Therefore, countries are influenced by the process of globalization proportional to the extent of their success in the renovation of their economic, administrative and social systems. In the era of globalization, the information and messages conveyed to the people of the world through the Internet, satellites and the media result in the enhancement of their social and political awareness. Therefore, those with the ability to make the best use of this process will be in the forefront of political development and advancement toward a political culture of participation. They will be the ones who will play the most prominent role in the current development in political culture toward a civil political culture founded on participation. Therefore, broadly speaking, the claim may be advanced that a civil political culture is the prerequisite for the institutionalization of political development, a political culture that has as its concomitant participatory and competitive behavior among political individuals and groups. Undoubtedly, the emergent changes taking place in perceptions and values from their traditional into more civil forms as a consequence of the influence exerted by communication media will lay the necessary groundwork for the creation of a dominant attitude of participation. 3. The political culture in Iran after the Islamic Revolution The constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran, through its recognition of a republican system of political government and its concomitants such as the freedom to establish political parties and groups, freedom of association, citizenship rights and the right of public supervision, has adopted a participatory orientation toward the political attitude and culture of individuals and citizens. To examine the extent of institutionalization of this cultural model it is necessary to explore its influence in the period following the victory of the Islamic Revolution. In line with this objective, the political culture of Iran and its development will be examined during three periods: (1) the first decade of the revolution, 1978 – 1989; (2) the second decade of the revolution, 1989 – 1997; and (3) the third decade of the revolution, 1997 to the present. The examination of the model of political culture during these three periods is based on the model proposed by Almond and his colleagues on the three levels of system, process and policymaking.
In this period, owing to the integration of the political system with the characteristics of the model of leadership, it is rather difficult to draw a distinction between the public’s view of the system and its various components. The late Imam Khomeini’s model of religious leadership was one of according legitimacy to the political system and was in complete harmony with religious beliefs and values of the people. Therefore, it resulted in their obedience. The obedience offered to the Imam’s directives was also based on these beliefs and values. As a consequence, public participation in political affairs was influenced by religious teachings and the nature of the leadership’s relationship with the public. The period was witnessed to a gradual emergence of political parties and groups aimed at the institutionalization of popular political participation. The Islamic Republic Party and the Society of the Militant Clerics played a particularly effective role. None the less, political participation tended to crystallize in the form of taking part in demonstrations, a development which derived from religious and ideological teachings. During this period, the most pressing demands and priorities for in the area of policymaking focused on such issues as justice, security, eradication of poverty, improving the conditions of the deprived classes, and unity, all of which were derived from the dominant atmosphere of the post-revolution period.
The period continued to be influenced by the process of legitimization of the political system set in motion during the previous period. However, the amendments to the constitution resulted in changes in the political system that led to the strengthening of the process of legitimization of the political system. The dominant discourse of the period in connection with economic renovation resulted in changes in social values and such ideals as the desire for sacrifice, martyrdom and austerity gave way to material aspirations after wealth and comfort and tendencies toward ostentation. The implementation of new policies during this period was accompanied by certain levels of cultural incongruence within the society. Throughout this time, political participation oscillated between the models prevalent in the first decade of the revolution. 3.3. The political culture in the third decade of the revolution, from 1997 to the present This period is characterized by a relatively profound and structural change in the political culture of the country, which manifested itself in a move toward an institutionalized participation and away from the models of participation of the previous decades. The social and political factors that contributed to this development may be divided under a few categories that include an increase in urban population, the rise in the rate of literacy, and the growth in publications of books and periodicals. The following tables contain the underlying statistics for these developments. According to the existing statistics, the rate of growth of the Iranian population between 1966 and 1996 was an average of three percent. In other words, on average, some eleven million people were added to the population in the decades following 1966. Table 1 contains the population figures for the years 1966 – 96.
1966 25,078,922 19,371,856 77.2 13,322,409 53.1 1976 33,708,744 26,044,615 77.2 17,976,732 53.4 1986 49,455,010 38,708,879 78.3 25,778,318 52.1 1996 60,055,488 52,294,979 87.0 34,662,240 57.7
1966 9,794,246 37.9 15,994,476 62.1 1976 15,854,680 47.0 17,854,064 52.1 1986 26,844,561 54.3 22,349,351 45.2 1996 36,817,789 61.3 23,026,293 38.3
1966 19,371,856 28.7 1976 26,044,615 47.5 1986 38,708,879 52.5 1996 52,294,979 79.51
University Students 154,000 1,250,000 812 Institutions of Higher Educations 60 266 443 Research Centers 81 198 244.4 Researchers 1,924 11,392 500 Post-Graduate Students 5,392 26,862 400 In addition to these figures there is need to take into account the increase in the rate of generation of cultural products. According to the statistics, 12,879 titles were published in 1996. The figures for 1986, 1976 and 1966 are 3,812, 1,689 and 1,961, respectively. Another significant development in this area is the considerable increase in the number of newspapers and periodicals in the past few decades which is an indication of major changes in the political culture of the country during this period. Table 5 shows the growth of periodicals during the period between 1971 and 1996. Table 5: The Growth of Periodicals Type of Periodical 1971 1976 1986 1996 Newspaper 33 19 16 26 Weakly 69 17 44 82 Quarterly 88 116 72 165 Monthly 48 88 113 212 Total 238 240 245 485 One of the important indices of cultural development is the number of films produced in a country. The number of films made in the period following the victory of the Islamic Revolution witnessed a seventy percent rise as compared to the pre-revolution period. The structural developments in Iran in connection with such aspects as population, the growth in urbanization, the emergence of an urban middle class, and the expansion of literacy and institutions of higher education in the period beginning in the 1960s resulted in a transformation in intellectual outlooks which in turn effected changes in civic perceptions and beliefs, growth in political and participatory demands, and a call for a change in the political atmosphere, i.e. the laying of the groundwork for the establishment of a more open political milieu. Though such civic and democratic notions as the rule of law and the freedom of speech and association came to the fore in the period following the victory of the Islamic Revolution, the stagnation that marked the immediate post-revolution period and the Iran-Iraq war, as well as other structural impediments, prevented the demands for participation and civic action from finding expression, a development that thwarted the true realization of civic ideals. The social structures necessary for the actualization of participatory teachings in the civil culture gradually came into being as a result of the economic developments of the period of construction. During this time, the number of publications as well as the university student population witnessed a rise and heavy emphasis came to be placed on universal literacy. As a consequence of these developments, which coincided with the onset of the process of globalization and the expansion of information dissemination and a more profound interest on the part of the Iranian public in matters of political import, there appeared considerable changes in the outlook of the public, especially among the educated classes. Insistence on democracy, adherence to the rule of law, and the spread of political participation and fundamental freedoms, all of which found expression in the political discourse that emerged after the Khordad 2nd elections, were among the indications of this development. As a consequence, the Iranian public came to gradually acquire a certain degree of knowledge with regard to their rights of citizenship and fundamental freedoms as well as the political system and its institutions. This knowledge, however, was less than complete and differed from one place to another and from one class of the society to the next. Civil ideas such as freedom, participation and fundamental rights had to a large extent formed in the minds of the Iranian youth and the educated class and had come to constitute the foundation for the participatory behavior of the citizens. The result of this development was in evidence in the popular outlook toward the elections in Khordad of 1376 (June, 1997). The widespread popular support given to the party and coalition candidates for the Islamic city and village councils as well as those for the Majlis is a clear indication of this point. The vigorous reception accorded by the people and the youth to the print media and their politicization after the Khordad of 1376 was another sign of their interest in a more enhanced knowledge of the political system and the issues relating to sociopolitical and cultural aspects of the society as an important element of the political culture of participation. Among other features of the participatory political culture that actualized to a certain extent after the elections of Khordad 2nd reference may be made to the closing of the gap separating the people and the government and the rise in the level of popular trust of the government flowing from the increased level of accountability exhibited by the officials as well as their openness to criticism. Though, it should be borne in mind that for the poplar distrust directed at the government to disappear there is need for much time and effort, including the implementation of convincing measures in response to the demands of constituencies and groups within the framework of parties and civil coalitions focusing on social and political rights as well as economic and cultural demands, real openness to criticism on the part of the officials, and similar developments. It is solely through the realization of such conditions that political apathy and distrust of the political system would dissipate to a considerable extent and would give way to a sense of attachment and loyalty toward the political establishment, elements indispensable to any participatory political culture. In this period, the tendency to accept the legal legitimacy of the political system and its components heightened as compared to previous periods. The emphasis placed on the rule of law, the rights of citizenship, the accountability of government and political institutions, and the like played a crucial role in the transformation of political discourse of the period. The same concepts were transmuted into the dominant political values of the period. Therefore, it is safe to say that in the aftermath of the Khordad 2nd elections there came into fore such new social and political concepts and values as freedom, the rule of law, meritocracy, openness to criticism, toleration, the rights of citizenship, social and political participation, the sovereignty of people and democracy, social freedoms, political development and social security; concepts that continue to be in the process of institutionalization. Therefore, today, we are witnessing the emergence of a type of horizontal model of participation in the political culture of Iran that is supplanting the vertical populist model of participation prevalent in the first two decades of the revolution. By horizontal participation is meant a situation in which the political and civil groups in the arena of civil society engage in political competition as a means of protecting their collective and group interests and attaining their social and political objectives as well as expressing their demands from the government and taking part in political activities in order to secure positions of power in the process of governance. This in contrast to the vertical participation in which there is a de facto absence of independent parties and political competition, where participation is passive and flows from top to bottom. In the aftermath of the Khordad 2nd elections, the pivotal role accorded by President Khatami to political development and participation led to a considerable rise in the number of political parties and groups. This has resulted in a situation where social and political values as well as new civic concepts such as freedom, participation, the rights of citizenship, security and popular welfare, all of which are notions that are enshrined in the constitution, came to be included among civic ideals occupying the minds of the people and the youth. The actualization of these ideals within the Iranian society is contingent upon the formation of participatory institutions, a move which appears to have initiated in the period following the Khordad 2nd elections. Of course, it should be borne in mind that the rise in the number of political groups and parties that have come into being after Khordad 2nd is not per se sufficient ground for the culmination of popular participatory behaviors within these coalitions. Many of these alliances are merely represented by their titles and are little known by the public at large and have remained as de facto non-players in the arena of political participation. None the less, it must be admitted that the mere fact of the formation of these groups has created the impetus in many to join these political parties, a clear indication of the gradual displacement of the political culture of obedience by the political culture of participation. The emergence of a rudimentary party culture and the expression of difficulties through the conduit of political groups in the society is further evidence of the gradual transition toward a participatory political culture.
In this research an attempt was made at examining the gradual transition in Iran of a political culture of obedience to a democratic culture of participation. The major underlying assumption of the paper is that structural changes put into effect in the course of the second decade of the revolution known as the era of construction – reflected by such features as the rise in the urban population, rate of literacy, number of institutions of higher education and post-graduate students, as well as the expansion in communications and mass media, transportation networks, and the relative size of the economy – on the one hand, and the revolution in communications and the globalization of politics and culture, through the medium of communication technologies such as the Internet, satellites and radios, on the other hand, resulted in an intellectual transformation in the Iranian society as well as in a rise in the level of popular social and political awareness; a development which, in turn, led to the emergence of political and cultural structural pressures on the system aimed at creating a freer political and cultural atmosphere. The combined force of the developments of Khordad 2nd and the consequent challenges, Khatami’s program of political development, and the two above factors resulted in the intensification of the process of transition from the political culture of obedience to a participatory and democratic political culture. In the opinion of the author of these lines, were it not for the existence of the two above factors, i.e. the structural developments and the globalization of politics and culture through the means of communication technologies, the change in the Iranian society from a political culture of obedience to one of participation would not have come about. The article’s analysis of the transformation in the political culture of Iran is based on the model of political culture set forth by Almond and Powell, on the three levels of system, process and policymaking. The broad conclusion arrived at is that a comparative examination of the political culture of Iran in the three decades since the advent of the Islamic Republic on the three above levels points to signs and indices that are indicative of the formation of a relatively democratic and participatory political culture that is supplanting the previous political culture of obedience. At present, this new culture has gone through its nascent phase, however, the ultimate institutionalization of this participatory political culture is contingent upon the removal of barriers that impede the process of political reform, the elimination of the various sources of social and political vulnerability, the establishment of a delicate balance between political development and economic development, the internalization of new civic concepts and values in the minds of the people, and the true manifestation in the behavior of the citizens of freedom, rule of law and respect for the rights of the members of the society and others. Notes & References 1. Lucian Pay, Political Culture and Political Development, trans., Majid Mohammadi, Nameh-ye Farhang, Year 1, No. 1 and 2, p. 10. 2. David Stills, International Encyclopedia of Social Science, vol. 11, The Macmillan Co., 1972, p. 218. 3. Gabriel Almond, Theoretical Framework for Comparative Politics, trans., Alireza Tayyeb, Tehran: The Center for Education of Public Management, 1997, p. 71. 4. Ibid., pp. 71 – 71. 5. Bertrand Badi`, Political Development, trans., Ahmad Naqib Zadeh, Tehran: Qumos Publications, 1997, pp. 52 – 55. 6. A number of useful works on the theoretical aspects of globalization and communications revolution include the following: Malcolm Waters, Globalization, trans., Esma’il Givee, 1st ed., Tehran: Industrial Management Organization, 2000; Keith Nash, Modern Political Sociology: The Globalization of Politics and Power, trans. Mohammad Taqi Delafrouz, Tehran: Kavir Publications, 2001; Jurgen Habermas, Globalization and the Future of Democracy, trans., Kamal Pouladi, Tehran: Markaz Publications, 2001; Manuel Castles, The Information Age, trans., Ahmad Aliqoliyan, 3 vols., Tehran: Tarh-e No Publications, 2001. 7. Aboutorab Fazel, The Etiology of the Key Challenges of the Islamic Revolution in Its Third Decade, Pazhouhesh Nameh-ye Matin, Year 1, No. 3 and 4, Summer and Fall 1999, quoted from reports by the Iranian Center for Statistics. 8. Ibid. 9. Ibid.
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