value
noise
care
Language Category
Hup (Nadahup) G. Modifiers Adjectives
Kilivila (Austronesian) G. Modifiers Adjectives
Lezgian (Nakh-Daghestanian) G. Modifiers
Adjectives Adverbs
Maltese (Afro-Asiatic) G. Modifiers Adjectives Adverbs
Mapudungun (Auracanian) G. Modifiers Adjectives Adverbs
Marathi (Indo-European) G. Modifiers Adverbs
Mian (Nuclear Trans New Guinean) G. Modifiers
Adjectives Adverbs
Pirahã G. Modifiers
Sahaptin (Sahaptian) G. Modifiers Adjectives Adverbs
Sango (Atlantic-Congo) G. Modifiers Adjectives Adverbs
Turkish (Turkic) G. Modifiers Adjectives Adverbs
Yagua (Peba-Yagua) G. Modifiers Adjective Adverb
Yankunytjatjara (Pama-Nyungan) G. Modifiers
Adjective Adverb
speeD
value
noise
care
Table 8.6. Languages with general modifiers and corresponding semantic classes
As illustrated in table 8.6, value is found among the general modifiers of all languages except for Basque, Ewe, Hdi, and Sahaptin. This is in line with hypotheses (8.1c), ac- cording to which value is a semantic type for both adjectives and adverbs, implying that value should be found among general modifiers, which cover the functions of adjectives and adverbs. Moreover, in those languages that have adverbs as well as general modi- fiers, speed is found among the adverbs and not among the general modifiers, with the exceptions of Hdi, Koasati, and Sahaptin. Mapudungun and Turkish have speed in both classes. Mian has value and noise among its General Modifiers, but speed and care among its simple Adverbs. In the next section, several sample languages will be described that lack a lexeme class of modifiers that can be used in adv, but that show lexicalization tendencies in adv for the four semantic types discussed.
VALUE general modifiers no VALUE general modifiers
Figure 8.5. Languages with simple general modifiers, with and without value
Lexicalization tendencies
Apart from the languages with simple adverbs and general modifiers among which certain semantic types can be discerned, several languages in the sample show indications of
lexicalization of adverbs for the semantic types
speed, value,
noise, and
care. In
Georgian (Kartvelian), Adverbs are productively formed by attaching the “the Adverbial case” ending -ad /-d to Adjectives (Hewitt 1995: 65, cf. section 5.3.2). This is illustrated for lamaz-ad ‘beautifully’ from lamaz-i ‘beautiful’ in (8.22).
(8.22) Georgian (Kartvelian) (Hewitt 1995: 608)
megrel-i
Mingrelian-nom
sot’k’ilava rom
Sotk’ilava(nom)
ima-ze
that-than
/ ma-s-ze
/ him-dat-than
upro
more
lamaz-ad beautiful-aDv še-c’ux-eb-ul-i-a
mg˙er-i-s,
sing-prs-he
is
that
kartvel-i
Georgian-agr
momgeral-i
singer-nom
prev-upset-ts-ptcp-nom-is
‘That Georgian singer whom the Mingrelian Sot’k’ilava sings more beautifully than is upset.’
However, a small number of Georgian Adverbs have lost the final consonant, so that the ending consists only of -a. This is the case with two speed Adverbs, namely čkar- a ‘quickly’ and nel-a ‘slowly’ (Hewitt 1995: 65).8 Aronson (1990: 75) treats this as an example of Adverb derivation (e.g. čkar-a ‘quickly’ from čkar-i ‘fast, rapid’), and not as the Adverbial case, the form of which is also found, i.e. čkar-ad. The use of only -a to form the Adverb in adv, but not for the Adverbial case, which retains the entire -ad, indicates a lexicalization tendency for speed items in adv.
Basque (isolate) has two patterns of interest in adv. Adverbs are here derived with a few different suffixes (see examples in appendix B). For instance, -ki is attached to sendo ‘strong’ to form sendo-ki ‘strongly’ (Hualde & de Urbina 2003: 193). Certain Adverbs ending in -ki “have been lexicalized with a special meaning” (2003: 348). These are presented in table 8.7, with semantic types indicated in the rightmost column in cases where these apply.
Table 8.7. Lexicalized Basque -ki Adverbs (Hualde & de Urbina 2003: 348)
Adjective Adverb Semantic type
polit(a) ‘pretty’ poliki ‘slowly’ speed
eder ‘beautiful’ ederki ‘very well’ value
bizi ‘alive’ biziki ‘intensely’
eme ‘female’ emeki ‘softly’
Note that emeki ‘softly’ could perhaps belong to both noise and care, but that I have refrained from classifying it due to lack of examples. Another Adverb-deriving suffix in Basque is -to, which is nonproductive and occurs only in a small number of Adverbs, as illustrated in table 8.8.
Table 8.8. Basque -to Adverbs (Hualde & de Urbina 2003: 348)
Adverb Semantic type
ederto ‘very well’ value
ondo ‘well’ value
hobeto ‘better’ value
polito ‘slowly’ speed
One example with ondo ‘well’ is provided in (8.23).
8 Two place Adverbs also lost the final -d : magl-a ‘on high, high up’ and dabl-a ‘low down’ (Hewitt 1995: 65).
(8.23) Basque (isolate) (Hualde & de Urbina 2003: 251)
Orain
now
ondo
well
entzuten
hear.ipfv
dizut.
aux.prs
‘Now I hear you well.’
In the examples from Basque, the Adverbs that appear to be undergoing lexicalization are of the types speed and value, apart from biziki ‘intensely’ and emeki ‘softly’.
In Kiowa (Kiowa-Tanoan), Adverbs generally are derived from Stative Verbs by the ending -l (after e) or -y (elsewhere) (Watkins 1984: 185), as illustrated in the example in (8.24).
(8.24) Kiowa (Kiowa-Tanoan) (Watkins 1984: 210)
t’´a:gy`a-y
careful-advz
m´On-tò
hand-with
gyà-pha´tt`O
1sg.agt;sg.obj-smooth.ipfv
‘I was carefully smoothing it with my hands.’
Moreover, some Adverbs are derived with the suffix -óba`. However, the roots that the suffix -óba` attaches to are not used synchronically, with the exception of tó-òba` ‘quiet, silent’ from tó;(-bè) ‘calm, quiet’ (Watkins 1984: 186). Watkins provides no explanation for the tonal differences of the suffix -óba`, as represented in table 8.9, apart from stating that Kiowa has an intricate tone rule system (1984: 30ff.).
Table 8.9. Kiowa -ób`a Adverbs (Watkins 1984: 186)
Adverb Semantic type
tó-òba` ‘quiet, silent’
c’ó-óba` ‘firmly’
hé˛;-òba` ‘quickly, in a short time’ tâm-óba` ‘a reasonable degree’ kú-óba` ‘quiet, submissive’
noise speed noise
The Adverbs formed with -óba` appear to be in the process of being lexicalized. The
fact that the suffix is found both with roots that have no independent synchronic use and with one root that is used independently indicate different stages of this process occurring simultaneously.
Yimas (Lower Sepik-Ramu) has adverbial incorporation in adv (cf. section 7.3.1). Foley (1991: 336–342) presents two types of adverbials: simple lexemes that only occur incorporated, and derived lexemes that occur both incorporated and independent. The first type is exemplified in (8.25).
(8.25) Yimas (Lower Sepik-Ramu) (Foley 1991: 342)
kacmpt
canoe.viii.pl
ya-kay-mamaN-arkat- Ncut
viii.pl.obj-1pl.a-slowly-paddle-rempst
‘We paddled the canoes slowly.’
The second type is derived with -mpi from Adjectives and Verbs. These Adverbials can be used both incorporated and independently, although they are much more common incorporated, as in the example in (8.26).
(8.26) Yimas (Lower Sepik-Ramu) (Foley 1991: 344)
wurmpl
flute.vii.du
pla-mpu-makcmpi-wuntampwi-k
du.obj-3pl.a-quietly-blow.on-irr
‘They played the flutes quietly.’
In the second type, there is one exception which does not appear to be derived, and which occurs incorporated as well as independently, namely kaykaykay ‘quickly’ (1991: 343):
(8.27) Yimas (Lower Sepik-Ramu) (Foley 1991: 342) 9
aNka-kaykaykay-cu-impu-pu-n
hort.du- quickly-out-go.by.water-away-imp
‘Let us go outside quickly.’
kaykaykay
quickly
aNka-tu-impu-pu-n
hort.du-out-go.by.water-away-imp
‘Let us go outside quickly.’
In example (8.27a), kaykaykay- is used in its incorporated version, whereas it is found independently in (8.27b). The similarity to the Noun kay ‘canoe’ makes it likely that the Adverb is zero-derived and triplicated from this source. Still, it deviates from the pattern of derivation of other independently occurring Adverbials, and appears to be undergoing lexicalization towards becoming a simple adverb.
In Lahu (Sino-Tibetan), one type of Adverbial is formed from Verbs combined with qha ‘all, completely’, which is in itself defined as an Adverb (Matisoff 1973: 278, cf. section 5.3.6). Some of the Verbs in these Adverbials no longer occur as free Verb forms, as is the case in the example in (8.28).
(8.28) Lahu (Sino-Tibetan) (Matisoff 1973: 273)
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