particularly for activists and experts who choose in some way to engage with the
Government‘s reform project. This genuine progress has garnered Uzbekistan much
international good will as it has returned to the world stage. However, Mirziyoyev‘s
pro-business approach and connections to leading business people have created new
concerns about cronyism, corruption and citizens forced out of their homes with
inadequate compensation as part of building the new Uzbekistan. So far the reforms
have created a type of ‗managed freedom‘, where there is space for ‗constructive
criticism‘ but some sensitive topics remain off limits. The response to recent crises
have highlighted the successes and failings of the new system: showing swift action
to get on top of the initial challenges; rapid, numerous but not wholly joined up
initiatives to tackle the economic and social impact; a reticence to address historic
and structural problems; and new opportunities for local abuses of power. As
Uzbekistan becomes more self-confident about the progress of the reforms and its
place in the world, it needs to show a more self-confident approach towards its own
past, convening a national conversation involving those who suffered under Karimov,
the Government and with local and international experts. The publication makes key
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recommendations for the Government of Uzbekistan. It should:
Continue reforming
the civil service to improve structures and capacity while being more measured and
consultative when creating new legislation and decrees.
Develop a more
competitive political environment in Uzbekistan by removing restrictions on
registering new parties and allowing independent candidates to stand for election.
Reform local government by requiring the direct elections of Governors and Mayors,
with greater public consultation on planning decisions, action on forced evictions,
lack of compensation, the provision of social infrastructure and protecting historic
buildings.
Require transparency for all holders of public office including politicians
and judges with declarations of external sources of income and assets, while making
public the ownership details of firms involved in the new cotton ‗clusters‘.
Move
beyond ‗constructive criticism‘ to true freedom of expression and association
including by delivering new anti-defamation laws without the threat of prison or
massive fine and allowing independent NGOs to register, while helping them do so.
Help facilitate the end of the boycott of Uzbek cotton by urgently registering the
cotton monitoring NGOs and independent trade unions, working with them to end
forced labour.
Continue the reform of the Prosecutor General‘s Office, security
services and judiciary to prevent the harassment of activists and political opponents.
Deliver transitional justice and greater openness about the Karimov legacy that
includes helping the rehabilitation of victims of past abuse and an open public
dialogue.
Continue to expand both religious and social freedoms that prioritise
individual choice over community pressure, with more women in senior government
positions, action on domestic violence, freedoms for religious groups and ending laws
against the LGBTQ community.
Mirziyoyev era reforms Mirziyoyev became interim President on September 8th
2016, after elbowing aside the constitutionally designated interim President Chairman
of the Senate Nigmatilla Yuldashev to get the role on a temporary basis and
outmanoeuvring key rivals, Deputy PM Rustam Azimov and particularly the head of
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