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normal basis of expectation. On the other hand, if the workers make the same mistake as their
employers about the effects of a general reduction, labour troubles may offset this favourable factor;
apart from which, since there is, as a rule, no means of securing a simultaneous
and equal reduction
of money-wages in all industries, it is in the interest of all workers to resist a reduction in their own
particular case. In fact, a movement by employers to revise money-wage bargains downward will be
much more strongly resisted than a gradual and automatic lowering of real wages as a result of
rising prices.
(7) On the other hand, the depressing influence on entrepreneurs of their greater burden of debt may
partly offset any cheerful reactions from the reduction of wages. Indeed if the fall of wages and
prices goes far, the embarrassment of those entrepreneurs who are heavily indebted may soon reach
the
point of insolvency,—with severely adverse effects on investment. Moreover the effect of the
lower price-level on the real burden of the national debt and hence on taxation is likely to prove
very adverse to business confidence.
This is not a complete catalogue of all the possible reactions of wage reductions in the complex real
world. But the above cover, I think, those which are usually the most important.
If, therefore, we restrict our argument to the case of a closed system, and assume that there is
nothing to be hoped,
but if anything the contrary, from the repercussions of the new distribution of
real incomes on the community's propensity to spend, it follows that we must base any hopes of
favourable results to employment from a reduction in money-wages mainly on an improvement in
investment due either to an increased marginal efficiency of capital under (4) or a decreased rate of
interest under (5). Let us consider these two possibilities in further detail.
The contingency, which is favourable to an increase in the marginal efficiency of capital, is that in
which money-wages are believed
to have touched bottom, so that further changes are expected to be
in the upward direction. The most unfavourable contingency is that in which money-wages are
slowly sagging downwards and each reduction in wages serves to diminish confidence in the
prospective maintenance of wages. When we enter on a period of weakening effective demand, a
sudden large reduction of money-wages to a level so low that no one believes in its indefinite
continuance would be the event most favourable to a strengthening of effective demand. But this
could only be accomplished by administrative decree and is scarcely practical politics under a
system of free wage-bargaining. On the other hand, it would be much better that wages should be
rigidly fixed and deemed incapable of material changes, than that depressions should be
accompanied by a gradual downward tendency of money-wages, a further moderate wage reduction
being expected to signalise
each increase of; say, 1 per cent in the amount of unemployment. For
example, the effect of an expectation that wages are going to sag by, say, 2 per cent in the coming
year will be roughly equivalent to the effect of a rise of 2 per cent in the amount of interest payable
for the same period. The same observations apply
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