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Credit Rating Agencies and the 2007–2009



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Mishkin Eakins - Financial Markets and Institutions, 7e (2012)

Credit Rating Agencies and the 2007–2009 

Financial Crisis

The credit rating agencies have come under severe

criticism for the role they played during the

2007–2009 financial crisis. Credit rating agencies

advised clients on how to structure complex financial

instruments that paid out cash flows from subprime

mortgages. At the same time, they were rating these

identical products, leading to the potential for severe

conflicts of interest. Specifically, the large fees they

earned from advising clients on how to structure

products that they were rating meant they did not

have sufficient incentives to make sure their ratings

were accurate.

When housing prices began to fall and sub-

prime mortgages began to default, it became crys-

tal clear that the ratings agencies had done a

terrible job of assessing the risk in the subprime

products they had helped to structure. Many 

AAA-rated products had to be downgraded over

and over again until they reached junk status. The

resulting massive losses on these assets were one

reason why so many financial institutions that were

holding them got into trouble, with absolutely dis-

astrous consequences for the economy, as dis-

cussed in the next chapter.

Criticisms of the credit rating agencies led the

SEC to propose comprehensive reforms in 2008. The

SEC concluded that the credit rating agencies’ mod-

els for rating subprime products were not fully devel-

oped and that conflicts of interest may have played

a role in producing inaccurate ratings. To address

conflicts of interest, the SEC prohibited credit rating

agencies from structuring the same products they

rate, prohibited anyone who participates in deter-

mining a credit rating from negotiating the fee that

the issuer pays for it, and prohibited gifts from bond

issuers to those who rate them in any amount over

$25. To make credit rating agencies more account-

able, the SEC’s new rules also required more disclo-

sure of how the credit rating agencies determine

ratings. For example, credit rating agencies were

required to disclose historical ratings performance,

including the dates of downgrades and upgrades,

information on the underlying assets of a product

that were used by the credit rating agencies to rate

a product, and the kind of research they used to

determine the rating. In addition, the SEC required

the rating agencies to differentiate the ratings on

structured products from those issued on bonds. The

expectation is that these reforms will bring increased

transparency to the ratings process and reduce con-

flicts of interest that played such a large role in the

subprime debacle.



Chapter 7 Why Do Financial Institutions Exist?

159

Sarbanes-Oxley also directly reduced conflicts of interest:

•  It made it illegal for a registered public accounting firm to provide any

nonaudit service to a client contemporaneously with an impermissible audit

(as determined by the PCAOB).

Sarbanes-Oxley provided incentives for investment banks not to exploit conflicts

of interest:

•  It beefed up criminal charges for white-collar crime and obstruction of offi-

cial investigations.

Sarbanes-Oxley also had measures to improve the quality of information in the finan-

cial markets:

•  It required a corporation’s chief executive officer (CEO) and chief financial

officer (CFO), as well as its auditors, to certify that periodic financial state-

ments and disclosures of the firm (especially regarding off-balance-sheet

transactions) are accurate (Section 404).

•  It required members of the audit committee (the subcommittee of the board

of directors that oversees the company’s audit) to be “independent”; that is,

they cannot be managers in the company or receive any consulting or advi-

sory fee from the company.

Global Legal Settlement of 2002

The second major policy measure arose out of

a lawsuit brought by New York Attorney General Eliot Spitzer against the 10 largest

investment banks (Bear Stearns, Credit Suisse First Boston, Deutsche Bank, Goldman

Sachs, J. P. Morgan, Lehman Brothers, Merrill Lynch, Morgan Stanley, Salomon Smith

Barney, and UBS Warburg). A global settlement was reached on December 20, 2002,

with these investment banks by the SEC, the New York Attorney General, NASD,

NASAA, NYSE, and state regulators. Like Sarbanes-Oxley, this settlement directly

reduced conflicts of interest:

•  It required investment banks to sever the links between research and secu-

rities underwriting.

• It banned spinning.

The Global Legal Settlement also provided incentives for investment banks not to

exploit conflicts of interest:

•  It imposed $1.4 billion of fines on the accused investment banks.

The global settlement had measures to improve the quality of information in finan-

cial markets:

•  It required investment banks to make their analysts’ recommendations public.

•  Over a five-year period, investment banks were required to contract with at

least three independent research firms that would provide research to their

brokerage customers.




160

Part 3 Fundamentals of Financial Institutions

It is too early to evaluate the impact of the Sarbanes-Oxley Act and the Global

Legal Settlement, but the most controversial elements were the separation of func-

tions (research from underwriting, and auditing from nonaudit consulting). Although

such a separation of functions may reduce conflicts of interest, it might also dimin-

ish economies of scope and thus potentially lead to a reduction of information in

financial markets. In addition, there is a serious concern that implementation of these

measures, particularly Sarbanes-Oxley, is too costly and is leading to a decline in U.S.

capital markets (see the Mini-Case box “Has Sarbanes-Oxley Led to a Decline in

U.S. Capital Markets?”).

M I N I - C A S E




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