72
recognised and promoted. The promotion system for them seems to operate just below
the highest levels of administration and decision-making. There are fewer
competent and
well qualified women managers who are accorded the highest positions than are available
for executive leadership (Soldewell 1979). The position does not seem to have altered
much even in the twentieth and twenty first century. This is apparent in the ensuing
discussion.
Researchers such as Forster (2001); Sutherland (1994) and Brown (1997) note that
promotion systems still largely rely on the publication records of candidates for
appointments
and promotions, although the stated criteria include “excellence in
teaching , administration and research”( Brown 1997:115). Women are thus promoted
less often than men and this is hardly surprising given their multiplicity of roles. This
ensures that less time is available for academic work and career development after
homemaking; child-caring responsibilities; teaching and pastoral care. The greater
demand on academic women’s time hinders research productivity and reduces chances
for progress. Brooks’ (1997) study of academic women also echoes the same sentiments
regarding the productivity and promotion of academic women.
She found that workload
and the number and range of responsibilities held were directly related to women’s
reduced productivity and chances for promotion. A study of differences in male and
female research productivity produced evidence that time taken up by teaching,
administration and family commitments impeded women’s research productivity to a
greater extent than it did for male academics (Brown 1997).
In some cases criteria for promotion are either not clearly defined (Sutherland 1985) or
are poorly distributed to everyone or they “operate in a fragmented, piecemeal and
inappropriately confidential manner” (Brown 1997:116).
For instance, as Mares
(1990:73) puts it, the interpretation of what constitutes a ‘good’ research topic and a
‘proper’ journal remain hidden and can therefore “militate against the selection of a
woman”. An inadequately developed research and publications record may be a serious
barrier to development especially in cases where
this criterion is, in Sutherland’s
(1994:177) terms “the major –sometimes the only criterion for advancement.” Another
promotion barrier for women is who makes the recommendation for promotion. Often the
73
onus is on the head of department to make a recommendation. Ryder (1996) and Brown
(1997) see this as a potential problem. Brown believes promotions made on the basis of
recommendations by a head of department have the “potential to suffer from the exercise
of local interests in the hands of (for the most part) under-trained managers.” Ryder
thinks that chances for promotion may be blocked for certain people if the head of
department does not put their names forward or argue their cases. Of course this may
apply to male and female academics, but because frequently men
are heads of
department, chances are that they would naturally put forward names of male academics
and may thus be less inclined to argue for the promotion of a female academic. In the
case of a female manager, her chances of progress to the next level of management may
be jeopardised by expectations of excellence. She may be expected to perform far better
than her male counterparts to be considered for promotion.
(ii)
Research
productivity
It is well-documented that research and publication is an important criterion for career
advancement for academics. In many universities teaching and community service do not
seem to count as much in decisions regarding promotions to senior academic ranks,
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