Ministry of Higher and Secondary Special Education of the Republic of Uzbekistan Fergana Polytechnic Institute

How is Uzbek Independence Day Celebrated?

This is the main national holiday in Uzbekistan. Across the country, the history and rich culture of the country is marked by displays of traditional folk music, dancing and local craft.

A large concert and show takes place in the National Park in Tashkent, the capital of Uzbekistan. Local artisans populate a bustling fair while folk musicians and dance troupes converge in the square for elaborate performances in traditional Uzbek style.

Did you know?

In Uzbek tradition, the most respected guest is seated the farthest from the entrance to the house.

Any feast on this holiday will no doubt include Plov, the national meal. A rice dish with mutton, rice, onions and grated carrots, legend holds it was invented by the cooks of Alexander the Great. Different regions of the country have their own variations on the dish, adding extra ingredients like pumpkins, peppers or dried tomatoes.

The president described “New Uzbekistan” as “a state developing in strict compliance with the universally recognised norms in the field of democracy, human rights and freedoms, on the basis of the principles of friendship and cooperation with the international community, the ultimate aim of which is to create a free, comfortable and prosperous life for our people”.

Although by Western standards Uzbekistan cannot be described as a full-fledged democracy, under Mirziyoyev democratic reforms have been introduced, which are akin to the “controlled democratisation” underway in its Central Asian neighbour, Kazakhstan.

“Actually, the fact that our democratic reforms have become irreversible is the most important result we have achieved today,” said Mirziyoyev, adding that the country’s leadership has admitted “the existence of problems in our lives with forced labor, especially among children, unemployment, poverty, corruption, housing, education and health, and we are addressing them along with our general public.”

Indeed, the International Labour Organization (ILO) has recognised that the systematic and systemic use of child labour and forced labour in Uzbekistan’s cotton industry has come to an end, although some local vestiges still remain. Since Soviet times, school children took part in the harvesting of cotton, which was considered a normal practice.

“Today’s Uzbekistan is not Uzbekistan that we dream about. We still have a long and thorny way to go. Before, our path was not easy, and after it will not be easy, as well. However, we should not be afraid to move forward boldly, to make the unconventional unexpected decisions […] in the interests of our people,” Mirziyoyev said.

The president highlighted that the “New Uzbekistan” was primarily about the new economic relations, the new economic vision. “The economic system of our country is being completely restructured and even if it is difficult, we have begun to put into practice the market mechanisms,” he said.

Under Karimov, Uzbekistan had the most restrictive and bizarre foreign currency regime, which discouraged foreign investors. Mirziyoyev said that these were now “things of the past” and nothing was easier than cashing in of money from debit cards through the ATMs, or acquisition and registration of housing and property in any region of Uzbekistan.

International experts say that, pre-pandemic, Uzbekistan became the regional leader in the growth of the influx of foreign investment. In 2019, the amount of foreign investment increased by 2.3 times, amounting to $4.2 billion. The greatest interest was shown by China, Germany, the US and Russia.

In his interview, Mirziyoyev also touched upon regional cooperation, saying that the problems accumulated over the years in the country’s relations with neighbouring countries had been resolved.

“The borders were opened. The broken bonds between neighbours, brothers, relatives, father and son, were restored. The people began traveling freely from one country to another. The visa issues have been resolved. The trade, economic, cultural and humanitarian ties are developing at an accelerated pace,” he said.

Uzbekistan received praise by the global community, notably the EU, for having hosted a high-level conference on connectivity in Central Asia on 15-16 July.

On Afghanistan, the president also struck a constructive tone.

“Uzbekistan, as the closest neighbour of Afghanistan, is interested in the early establishment of peace and stability in this country”, the president said.

The US withdrawal from Afghanistan has prompted fears in the region of a possible spill-over of tensions.

Uzbekistan has accepted about 400 more refugees from Afghanistan and put them up in temporary accommodation near the Afghan border, the Russian state news agency TASS reported last week.

It is unclear how many Afghans have crossed into Uzbekistan since Taliban insurgents overran Afghanistan.

Uzbekistan’s anniversary of 30 years of independence is a day on which Uzbek citizens, may ask themselves whether the country’s development is possible without the establishment of independent, democratic institutions, a free media, an independent judiciary, and a vibrant and vocal civil society. None of these things has been achieved since Uzbekistan gained its independence from the Soviet Union.

Former communist party leader, Islam Karimov, who ruled Uzbekistan for 27 years, destroyed a nascent democratic movement and independent media that emerged in the early 1990s after the collapse of the Soviet Union.

The first years of independence were remembered for the unfamiliar appearance of independent newspapers expressing critical opinions, heated debates in the parliament, and the time when even journalists from state TV channels who had spent their lives repeating Soviet propaganda, joined rallies with placards proclaiming “We’re tired of lying”.

The reality of this newly won independence was sobering. Karimov won the new republic’s first election with 86% of the votes while opposition figures fled into exile or landed in jail. Uzbekistan descended into a period of darkness following the Andijan massacre in 2005: independent media was shut down and critical journalists and human rights defenders were either hounded out of the country or behind bars. The infamous prison Jaslyk became synonymous with torture and death in custody. Uzbekistan was considered one of the most closed countries in the world, second only to North Korea. Karimov’s legacy is one which today’s reformers under President Mirziyoyev are now keen to erase from the public consciousness. Indeed, the recent rehabilitation of 115 victims of Soviet oppression suggests President Mirziyoyev would prefer to ignore the victims of the Karimov era.

Mirziyoyev’s reform program has undoubtedly brought significant positive change to Uzbekistan. But in 2021, Uzbek civil society remains marginalized with very few officially registered independent NGOs due to constructed barriers to discourage attempts to register and operate with legitimacy. The media, despite liberalization and an abundance of online platforms, is under constant threat of reprisals and censorship. Particularly in the lead up to the 2021 presidential elections, human rights activists, opposition leaders, bloggers and journalists are finding it increasingly difficult to navigate the line between the president’s public commitments and the reality of exercising these professed new freedoms.

Ahead of Mirziyoyev’s second presidential election, less than two months away, the mahalla (neighborhood) committees, in tandem with the security forces, are intimidating citizens who signed the petition of an independent candidate for the registration of his political party to run in the election. Such tactics are highly reminiscent of the Karimov era when dissenting voices were not only silenced but destroyed.

Admittedly, Mirziyoyev has thus far refrained from inflicting the abject cruelty of the Karimov regime. The president’s reforms have resulted in the release of most political prisoners as well as the lifting of restrictions on the Internet, giving citizens access to information that is independent of state censorship.

However, the recent decision by the Uzbek authorities to restrict the use of social networks including Twitter and TikTok “due to violations of legal requirements in the processing of personal data of Uzbek citizens” brings back disturbing memories. More worryingly, a recent amendment to the criminal code prohibits insulting the president online, resulting in the first arrest for doing just that.

On the eve of the 30th anniversary of Uzbekistan’s independence, it is impossible to determine what direction the country is going in its development. In the absence of democratic institutions, the possibility that Mirziyoyev could remain in power for a long time to come cannot be excluded. Will Mirziyoyev go for a third term, which would violate the constitution? Will the media be able to exercise true independence and push the boundaries of what is permitted? Will the state continue to prevent the registration of independent NGOs? Can corruption be eradicated in the absence of civil society?

Celebrating the 30th anniversary of independence, Uzbek citizens should start an honest rethinking of these past years and what would be required to push Uzbekistan’s reform program into the civil and political spheres. This must include acknowledgement of past injustices, the rehabilitation of political prisoners, and accountability for perpetrators of torture and corruption. Uzbekistan has enormous potential for development, but only if economic reforms are accompanied by an empowered civil society, the establishment of democratic institutions, and rule of law.