17
Naturalisation took place quickly on account of the pre-eminence of "jus soli" over "jus
sanguinis": any person born in France, even if the parents are illegal immigrants - receives
French nationality.
Children of non-French parents, who were not born in France, receive
French nationality upon reaching the age of 18, as long as they have lived for at least five years
in France. Consequently, the fact of belonging to the nation is not defined according to ethnic
criteria or simply on the understanding of "jus soli", but is founded on cultural and political
socialisation or "assimilation". Accordingly, there is a very strong reluctance to foster minority
organisations. At the end of the 1980s the concept was modified to become "assimilating
integration", in recognition of interaction between cultures.
Immigrants are expected to swiftly adopt values and patriotic attitudes.
Rapid naturalisation
facilitates identification. However, the decisive role in the integration of immigrants and their
children is the state education system.
-
The ethnic-cultural model
(example of Germany)
Despite frequent utterances to the effect that "Germany is not an immigration country",
Germany has a high immigration rate (see 4.1 above). Policy is aimed at both limiting
immigration and successfully integrating immigrants already resident in the country. As in
France, foreigners living in Germany have basically the same access to welfare state support.
At the institutional level (school, work) integration is thoroughly successful. Even so, despite all-
out efforts to improve personal relations between Germans and immigrants, there is no
incentive of identification for immigrants; those describing themselves as German are very few
and far between.
The key difference with France lies in naturalisation and thereby in political integration. The
reason is a fundamentally different understanding of "nation". The conventional interpretation
dates
back to Herder and, since the 19th century, holds that the basis of the nation and
therefore of the state is constituted by the same origin of citizens and also a common culture
and history. In this vision of things, ethnic and state boundaries should be identical.
But this interpretation has lost ground in recent decades: in the light of experiences with the nazi
regime but also owing to the relatively high proportion of immigrants in Germany, the principle of
origin is increasingly challenged. Also instrumental in this are the adoption of the western
concept of democracy and the growing importance of "constitutional patriotism" as a new form
of political identification. This is leading at present to certain adjustments in nationality law,
which was previously founded on "jus sanguinis". Discussion continues as to what extent the
different groups should be granted their own rights and a special status.
-
The "multicultural" model
(example of the Netherlands)
The Dutch tradition whereby immigrants are integrated into society via "pillars",
with religious
and political groups organised in their own institutions, has determined both the interpretation of
"nation" and migration policy. Everyone has the same access to the "roof" formed above those
"pillars" by central political institutions. Conflicts are settled by compromise. This model has
been extended to immigrants and has served to develop the idea of a "multicultural society" in
the Netherlands.
Nationality legislation was increasingly enriched by elements of "jus soli" after the Second World
War. Naturalisation is possible after five years; for the so-called second generation it is very
easy to secure and the "third generation" is naturalised automatically. The specific concept of
society (the "pillars" model) has the result (contrary to France for example) that targeted
18
minority policy is pursued and special integration programmes are launched. Most recently,
though, the emphasis has been more on improving the integration of immigrants into society as
a whole than preparing them for life within an ethnic minority in the Netherlands.
Résumé
Comparative
analysis demonstrates
inter alia
the consequences of differing interpretations of
"nation" where integration policy is concerned. What is also clear is that there is equalisation at
European level. Since the countries examined are all welfare states, many fundamental
conditions of integration are identical or similar. Schools, the labour market,
public health
services are accessible to all migrants and their descendants. Another common feature of
European states is that they wish to limit further immigration, as a prerequisite for the successful
integration of immigrants already resident in the country. The image of "fortress Europa" does
not apply to the past.
The Maastricht Treaty (1993) classified immigration issues as "matters of common interest"; in
the Treaty of Amsterdam it was agreed to develop a common immigration and asylum policy
within four years. This gave the European Parliament and the European Court of Justice
influence over national provisions.
Do'stlaringiz bilan baham: