63
bringing the overall percentage of women in senior academic positions to 8.4 % and
17.7% between 1995/6 and 1998/9 (Ross 2000:15).
Saunderson (2002) provides a clear picture of the historical and current position of
academic women in British universities. She notes that in 1931 women
comprised only
13 % of teaching staff…a figure which remained constant from the 1970s right up until
the 1970s (Saunderson 2002:377). But following the 1992 Further and Higher Education
Act which saw an increase in the number of UK universities and the concomitant
establishment of more academic posts, the position of women improved from 13 % to
35 %.
Despite this increase in academic staff representation, women by and large occupy 25 %
of all senior positions in UK universities and hold 53 % of all
part-time academic posts
(Saunderson 2002:377). Of those employed as full-time staff, almost one third (about 31
%) are on fixed term contracts, which places them at a disadvantage financially and in
terms of career advancement. In terms of vertical segregation “women comprise 23 % of
senior lecturers and only 10 % of professors as figures
from the Committee of Vice-
Chancellors and Principals (CVCP) 2000 indicate (Saunderson 2002). In terms of career
advancement, statistics for 2002 from the National Association of Teachers in Further
and Higher Education( NATFHE ) showed only 13 % of all fulltime UK female
academics progressing to senior lecturer level compared to 22 % of males and that only 4
% of all female academics progress to the level of professor compared to 14 %
males
(Saunderson 2002:378). From 1994-95 to 1998-9 the overall proportion of female
professors in higher education institutions increased by 2.6 % only. There are even fewer
women at the higher levels of university management and scholarship. Out of 76
university status institutions, there were only five women vice chancellors and only four
women heads of 17 general colleges of higher education. These figures are provided by
Woodward (2000:44) and cited in Saunderson (2002:378). As
in the situation of the
South African higher education, inequities still exist in UK universities despite several
years of the existence of Equal Opportunities and equal treatment legislation and the
Equal pay Act.
As Saunderson sees it, all this amounts to “little more than ‘lipstick on the
gorilla’”.
64
It is evident from the statistics provided above, that in both SA and the UK, women still
lag behind men both in their representation in the universities
and in senior academic
positions and ranks. What is even more obvious in SA universities is that the
representation is racially skewed, with white male and female academics better
represented in senior positions. This seems to point in one direction – that of an over-
representation of one racial/cultural group in management positions (most likely, white
male academics, followed by white female academics). The racially skewed numbers of
academic personnel in both HAUs and HDUs, means there would be a correspondingly
racially skewed number of academic HoDs at these institutional types. It would not be
surprising therefore to encounter a university with very few or no African heads of
department. Although there have been significant improvements
in some universities due
in part to employment equity, the gender gap in academic ranks and positions of
leadership and management is still unacceptably wide in both countries. Although their
numbers have increased over the years they are still in the minority in senior academic
and administrative positions.
However, they seem to have made more progress than their South African counterparts.
But again, as with the South African position, the data are limited in that the statistics
presented here are almost a decade old, and the position in the UK may well have
changed by now.
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