5. Some key concepts of political philosophy
Political philosophy, as an academic discipline and as a field of research, critically
examines concepts of political philosophy, such as (political) “authority”, “obligation”,
“justice”, “equality”, “liberty”, “rights”, “democracy”, “toleration”, “legitimacy”,
“virtue”, “trust”, and many more. In this course, we shall consider and analyse only a
handful of these concepts, namely: “power”, “authority”, “justice”, “liberty”, “human
rights”, and “democracy”. Let us briefly introduce and consider these concepts one by
one.
Power, perhaps the central concept in political thought, comes from the Latin
word “potential”, meaning the capacity of one person affecting or controlling another
person. This goes to the French term “pouvior”, or the ability of influencing others. Cicero
described political power in the Roman Empire as residing in the people but realized in
the government. Other Classical Greek and Christian thinkers discuss power less and
virtue and justice and more. The modern period of Western political theory, beginning
with renaissance Italian writer Machiavelli, concentrates on power more extensively. The
Prince, in Machiavellian theory, must be concerned primarily with getting and keeping
power and with putting power above all other values (including goodness). Thomas
Hobbes continues this emphasis on power, proclaiming it essential to the human purpose
of avoiding pain and gaining pleasure. This materialistic view of power is continued in
Karl Marx’s theory of communism, in which the whole history of politics is just an
expression of the economic power of the ruling social class. This Marxist obsession with
power informs much of 20th-century sociology, which sees all social relations in terms
of who has more and less power, who controls whom, what groups are powerless, and
how power can be redistributed. This leftist attitude usually assigns power to the
oppressors and lack of power to the oppressed. This view sees power as negative and
destructive until the oppressed have it (and then it will be used positively and justly).
American pluralism (as expressed by James Madison), coming from a Calvinist view of
human evil, seeks to divide and distribute political power because it will corrupt anyone
who possesses it. In Lord Acton’s famous phrase, “Power corrupts, and absolute power
corrupts absolutely.” Medieval catholic political thought is less concerned about the
misuse of power (in church and state) and sees the possibility of really beneficial use of
power and authority in the Christian king under the counsel of the church. Post-modernist
thinker Michel Foucault emphasizes the informal influences of cultural power in Modern
democratic society. Generally, in liberal theory (John Locke), power is viewed with
suspicion, as potentially tyrannical and abusive. But Modern politics remains obsessed
and fascinated with power and the pursuit to define and acquire it.
Authority, in political philosophy, is the power to rule, control, or set standards. It
may exist in a person(s); in a position; within a political structure or social system; or in
a law, document, or dogma. Authority implies that this rule or pre-eminence is accepted
or legitimate, recognized, obeyed, and respected. All polities and political theory have
some standard of accepted authority, except for radical libertarian theories or theories of
anarchism, which place all authority solely within each individual. Authority is often
contrasted with liberty or freedom, and most great thinkers have tried to reconcile
individual and social liberty with just authority. Radical democratic movements, which
often correspond with claims to universal equality, are often hostile to all authority.
Frequently, revolutions (such as the French of 1789 and the Russian of 1917) begin by
attacking established authority (king, church, private property) but ended up establishing
more authoritarian governments and reducing social liberty even more than in the past.
The question then is: What constitutes a good, just authority?
Justice is a central concept in Western political philosophy, but one that has been
defined in various ways. Two main ways of defining justice are: (1) the harmonious and
healthy ordering of persons within the whole society; and (2) the individual rights and
benefits of each citizen in a community. The first orientation of justice, exemplified in
classical (especially Plato) and medieval (especially Aquinas) political thought, focuses
on the justice of the entire nation or whole community and subordinates the individual’s
interests to the common good. The second, modern conception of justice (as in John
Locke) emphasizes the individual’s economic interests and benefits against the larger
society. Plato’s Republic gives the classic definition of justice as “giving each person his
due” or every individual receiving what he or she “deserves.” For Plato, this means having
one’s innate abilities (to be a ruler or soldier or worker) recognized, properly trained, and
used by society. Modern, liberal, definitions of justice take the individual and her or his
economic desires as the basis for justice. In this perspective, all individuals are equal,
self-determining, and deserving of the same social benefits and conditions in society. This
makes democracy the most just regime and competition for social benefits the norm.
Capitalism promises the just reward of productive merit, and communism promises the
social justice of equal economic benefits to all. Injustice, in this view, is any inequality,
discrimination, or unfair treatment of anyone.
Liberty, like freedom, political liberty means unrestrained, uncontrolled
individual thought, action, and choice. Emerging in the Western world with the
philosophical liberalism of Thomas Hobbes, John Locke, and John Stuart Mill, liberty
becomes a premier social value in modern democracy. The ideal of liberty has always
been ambiguous. Taken to an extreme, individual liberty leads to anarchism or libertarian
thought. Others value order, equality, justice, and morality. So, the early American
puritan political thought of John Winthrop defined two kinds of liberty: moral liberty and
natural liberty. In his Calvinist theology, natural liberty was the human sinful, selfish
desire to do whatever one wanted, even to kill, steal, and lie. This liberty should be
restrained by law. The moral liberty is “freedom where with Christ hast made us free” –
the liberty God has given us to choose the good and to do it by the power of the Holy
Spirit. On the opposite side, John Locke argued that human reason taught humans a law
of nature to never use their liberty to harm others. This made widespread social freedom
possible because individuals were self-governing. Republics rely on such personal self-
restraint; totalitarian regimes require more external pressure on individuals. Thus, liberty
is not a value in fascism and aristocratic states, but is a value primarily in democratic
governments.
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