La celebración del día de los inocentes: The story of the Kaolin Workers Union

La celebración del día de los inocentes: The story of the Kaolin Workers Union

Ruth Schultz

12/12/06
Mushroom workers will tell you a very different story of the “Mushroom Capital of the World” than you would hear at The Mushroom Cap, a mushroom gift store dedicated to Kennett Square’s claim to fame. Beneath mushroom potholders, mushroom potpourri, and mushroom cookie cutters, lies a story of oppression, disrespect, and finally dignity. The strike at Kaolin Mushroom Farms in 1993, the recognition of the Kaolin Mushroom Workers Union, and their subsequent successes and challenges, reminds us of the agricultural labor that our nation is built on and gives us a look into the possible future of the American labor movement.
Kennett Square has not always been a town dominated by agribusiness. The land, once lived on by the Lenni Lenape American Indians, was purchased by William Penn and at the turn of the 18^th century was settled by Irish and English Quakers. Later in the 18^th century Irish Catholics and Italian immigrants arrived to work on the Quakers’ small farms and in nearby quarries. As immigrants eventually acquired farms of their own, Kennett Square grew and the surrounding countryside became divided into small farms and properties.ⁱ
Mushrooms were first introduced to Kennett Square around 1882, and soon after a mushroom craze hit. Needing to compete with new and successful agricultural enterprises to the west, farm owners were eager to grow a new crop. With the large markets of Philadelphia and New York close by, farmers were certain that mushrooms could bring them a profit. In addition, the Italian immigrants that worked in the quarries provided a source of labor used to hard, backbreaking work.ⁱⁱ Some of these immigrants working for established growers were able to save enough money to start up their own mushroom plants. The owner of Kaolin Mushroom Farms, Michael Pia, is the descendent of one such Italian immigrant.
The mushroom industry, still one of mainly small, family farms, grew immensely in the 1920’s, but with the arrival of the Great Depression, many small farmers had to sell their land, leading to the consolidation of mushroom farms into the hands of fewer and fewer growers. By the 1950’s, business was booming once again, and a new influx of Puerto Rican immigrants provided cheap labor to the increasingly large and profitable mushroom operations.ⁱⁱⁱ Today, labor is provided mainly by Mexican immigrants, and the area around Kennett Square produces 56% of the mushrooms consumed in the United States.^iv
Due to its quaint historical district and lighthearted nickname, Kennett Square may be the last place one may expect to find horrible working and living conditions, but, only a few blocks away from majestic Victorian houses are the hardly furnished and tightly packed apartments of mushroom workers. In 1977, a federal commission investigating mushroom workers’ living and working conditions reported on inadequate company housing: “In one case, housing provided by an outside job contractor consisted in one part of one trailer with one toilet and a malfunctioning shower to house some 25 men paying $15 per week for board and additional sums for any foodstuffs.”^v In 1993, the year of the strike, living conditions had not improved much. Mushroom pickers had to live many to an apartment to save on rent payments to be able to send money back to their families remaining in Mexico. In an article reporting on the living conditions of the striking mushroom workers, the Philadelphia Inquirer described a better-than-normal apartment: “The one-bedroom basement apartment the Romeros share with 5 other men rents for $540. There is no carpet, only a buckled, dirty linoleum floor. […] Three cots are crammed into the tiny bedroom. Three broken-down sofas, sagging in the middle, with foam rubber bulging through the rips in the cushions, line the walls of the otherwise empty living room.”^vi Those who had been able to bring their families along with them try to find other living accommodations than the Kennett Square apartments, because the drinking of the large number of single men does not foster a safe and healthy atmosphere for children.^vii
Working conditions in the mushroom plants were physically grueling and unsafe. Mushrooms are grown in dark barns on wooden pallets that are stacked one on top of the other, from the floor to the ceiling. To pick mushrooms from the higher rows, workers must walk along three inch wide wooden rails that are usually slippery from excess manure. Workers picked as fast as they could because they were paid $1.10 per 10 pound box; going faster may risk a fall, but the rent needed to be paid. If a worker did fall, they did not receive compensation for the time that they took off.^viii
In the late 1980’s, workers at Kaolin Mushroom Farms organized several work stoppages. They did not call for unionization, but instead wanted their problems to be listened to by the company. When these work stops happened, Michael Pia would pledge to resolve the problem and would call a worker representative into his office. The company effectively bought off the leaders, one at a time, making them supervisors and leaving the workers’ grievances unresolved.^ix These work stops were not effective and often led to even more worker oppression.
As if the working conditions weren’t bad enough for mushroom pickers, Kaolin Mushroom Farms instituted company policies that increased workers’ duties and lengthened the amount of time it took to fill a box, effectively lowering wages. In 1991, Kaolin eliminated hourly-paid “cleaners” who would clean up after the pickers finished a mushroom barn. With the cleaners gone, the piece rate pickers were expected to clean up after themselves, increasing the average time necessary to complete one box, thus lowering wages.^x In early 1993, Kaolin told the workers to fill crates, not with the 10 pounds of mushrooms that they were designed for, but with 14-16 pounds of mushrooms. Again, more work was required per basket, so workers could not fill as many baskets.^xi
The pay decrease caused by increased responsibilities angered the pickers, but the real insult was their treatment by the company. Supervisors yelled at workers to go faster and castigated them for every small slip-up. Luis Tlaseca, a worker at Kaolin Mushroom Farms and one of the lead organizers of the strike expressed the anger that workers felt: “Y nos estábamos bien molestos de que siempre nos trataba como ignorantes. Como inocentes, que no sirven para nada. And we were very upset that he always treated us like we were stupid, unaware. Like innocents, who aren’t good for anything.”^xii Michael Pia’s oppressive activities of not listening, supervisor disrespect, buying off leaders, and lowering wages, compelled the workers to feel that Pia took advantage of them because he thought they would passively and obediently endure more and more abuses.
The last straw came in the form of a new responsibility that would slow down the process of packing mushroom boxes even more. Previously performed by packinghouse workers, mushroom pickers were now required to place mushrooms head-up in the trays. Pay was to increase from $1.10 per box to $1.15 per box, but workers still reasoned that pay would decrease because they would not be able to fill enough boxes.^xiii With the help of Ventura Gutierrez, an organizer from California employed by the Comite de Apoyo a los Trabajadores Agricolas (CATA), and Friends of Farmworkers, a law firm based in Philadelphia dedicated to advocating for the rights of agricultural workers, 140 mushroom pickers, led by Luis Tlaseca, went on strike on April 1, 1993. This date was when the new packing standards were to go into effect,^xiv but the day was also chosen for a symbolic reason: in Spanish, April 1^st is called “el día de los inocentes,”^xv much like April Fool’s Day in the United States, but in 1993 in Kennett Square, it was the day that the “inocentes” fought back.
A strike revolving around the issue of dignity in the workplace was not new to the labor movement. During the civil rights movement, sanitation workers struck in Memphis for better wages and benefits, picketing with signs that read, “I am a Man.”^xvi Their dignity was being attacked, and workers wanted to reveal to the nation that they were being treated less than human. Similarly, Kaolin workers carried signs that read, “Only with the union will we have respect.”^xvii Although the strike and unionization drive of Kaolin mushroom workers came about because of the initiative of workers, the Kaolin focus on dignity is an example of a one strategy that John Sweeny, elected president of the AFL-CIO in 1995, hopes will revitalize the labor movement.
The Kaolin strike continued for four weeks, as workers picketed daily across the street Herb Pennock Park. During this time, the striking workers attracted support from outside organizations such as the Mexican Association of Philadelphia, the Philadelphia chapter of the National Congress for Puerto Rican Rights, Asian Americans United, and various other community and ethic groups.^xviii Father Frank, a Catholic priest and community leader, along with Quakers from the area led the group of religious leaders who threw in support as well.^xix Strikers did not have the resources to survive without pay for a month, and these groups provided the essential role of cooking for or donating money to the strikers.
Legal complaints were filed from both the company’s lawyers and Friends of Farmworkers. Owner Michael Pia issued an injunction that forbade workers to picket on company property. Arthur Read, an attorney from Friends of Farmworkers, protested that there needed to be a court hearing before an injunction could be filed. This claim was not won, but the injunction was modified to only restrict picketing on company property, not completely ban it. Much of Friends with Farmworkers’ time was spent countering the claims that Pia filed against the strikers, but they were able to file an action under the Fair Labor Standards Act, the Pennsylvania Minimum Wage Act, and the Pennsylvania Wage Payment and Collection Act that called for the payment of unpaid overtime to packinghouse workers.^xx
Pia sought to break the strike and hired temporary labor from a Philadelphia-based labor contractor, Action Temporary Employment, by the second day of the strike. Under the Migrant and Seasonal Agricultural Worker Protection Act of 1983 (AWPA), employers must ensure that the farm labor contractors they use to recruit, transport, or supervise contract workers are registered and licensed with the U.S. Department of Labor.^xxi Action Temporary Employment was not registered as a contractor, thus violating the AWPA. Hearings were held from April 5^th through April 7^th before U.S. District Judge Harvey Bartle III who concluded that Kaolin Mushroom Farms would be in violation of AWPA standards if the act applied to Pia’s operations, but because of the year-round nature of mushroom growing, workers could not be considered seasonal agricultural labor.^xxii Thus, Kaolin’s claim that the replacement workers were to be permanent workers found a loophole in the AWPA, and they continued to hire mainly Cambodian and Vietnamese immigrants as contracted labor to break the strike.
On April 8^th, twelve leaders of the strike were arrested for trespassing on company property. The workers performed a non-violent act of civil disobedience by going onto company property in order to talk to workers and urge them to join the striking workers. Luis Tlaseca spoke of his intention and his arrest that morning:

“[Entramos] con el intento de hablar con los que estaban allá, que nos entendían, que estamos luchando para todos. Entonces, ya tenía el orden de restricción Pia, entonces nos…, pues, señalando a todos los lideres para intimidar la huelga. […] Llamó a la policía del estado, policía de los escondidos, de los pueblos, […] todos llegaban allí, que fue un montón de policías. […] nos arrestaban. El primero fue Ventura, después yo, y después otros compañeros, que alegando Pia que nosotros habíamos traspasado en su propiedad. We entered with the intention to talk with those that were inside, so that they would understand us, that we were fighting for everyone. Well, the restriction order from Pia was already issued,…well, signaling at all the leaders to intimidate the strike …[Pia] called the state police, the immigration police, police from the towns, all arrived there, so that there was a great number of police. They arrested us. The first was Ventura, then me, and then other partners, that Pia was alleging that we had trespassed on his property.”^xxiii

Three of those arrested had their charges dismissed, while the others were charged with disorderly conduct and fined $150.^xxiv Kaolin Mushroom Farms also used the injunction to fire 33 striking workers, including Tlaseca, who trespassed on company property, so as not to violate labor law.
By late April, the strike seemed to have reached a stalemate. The company could hire replacement workers, although Read was still pressuring the judge to reconsider. The strikers and their fledgling union, Union de Trabajadores de Kaolin (Kaolin Workers Union), received a large amount of outside support, including a visit from the Mexican opposition party leader Cuauhtemoc Cardenas, but Pia maintained that he would only recognize a union if it was certified through the Pennsylvania Labor Relations Board. A march of about 500 strikers, family members, union members, and supporters of the strike on April 24^th did not sway his position, reiterating, “A majority of my workers don’t want a union.”^xxv The protracted strike was taking its toll financially on the strikers, and at the time of the march half of the original 140 strikers had gone back to work.^xxvi
On April 30^th, the Kaolin Workers Union voted to apply for certification through the PLRB, and asked Pia to agree to take workers back.^xxvii About half returned to work on May 4^th, excluding the 33 that were fired and others who opted to return to Mexico.^xxviii Worker leaders continued to organize for the union election as their fellow workers went back to the mushroom houses, preparing for the union certification election to be held May 27^th. The outcome was positive for the new union: workers voted in favor of unionization 130 to 102.^xxix Pia was not convinced, however, and appealed the decision to the Pennsylvania Labor Relations Board, and once that challenge was overturned, he appealed once again to the Pennsylvania Supreme Court. The appeals process was long and drawn out, and only six years later, when the Supreme Court dismissed Kaolin Mushroom Farms’ appeal, did the Kaolin Workers Union win recognition from Michael Pia. Pia was reluctant to recognize the union, telling a Philadelphia Inquirer reporter, “This was our last level of appeal, so at this point we will be required to bargain with this union as representatives of our employees. It’s not the outcome we were hoping for, but it is what it is, and so we’ll comply with the law and bargain in good faith.”^xxx Bargaining was the next step. The workers had won recognition of their union, but to win demands they would need to bargain effectively.
Contract negotiations began in the Kennett Square Quaker Meetinghouse on March 12, 1999 and lasted until January 3, 2002, when the first contract between the Kaolin Workers Union and Kaolin Mushroom Farms was finally signed. Workers won a grievance process, incremental wage increases of 2% each year, a health care plan, paid vacation time, and short term disability coverage, while conceding to the company that the union would not support union members in a strike, walkout, slowdown, or any other kind of work stoppage.^xxxi
In May of 2002, right before negotiations for a new contract began, Pia petitioned the PLRB for decertification of the union. The PLRB granted his request, and another union election was scheduled for June 18^th, 2004.^xxxii During the months before the election, supervisors intimidated workers in the hopes that the support for the union would fade as workers lost faith in the union. One supervisor is reported as saying, “Con ese contrato, la Union no le muerde ni los huevos de Mike Pia,” which is a vulgar way to say that “the union has no effect in Mike Pia’s actions and decisions.”^xxxiii Supervisors belittled the union and tried to instill distrust between workers and union leaders, a strategy that ultimately did not work, as the vote was again in favor of the union 210-145.^xxxiv Janet Amaghi, a professor at Immaculata College who has conducted extensive interviews for a book on the history of the Kaolin Workers Union, said that “people felt that [Pia] was trying to dupe them.”^xxxv Again, the sentiment that Pia was trying to take advantage of workers because he thought they would not fight back prompted support for the union. The current contract was signed soon afterward, on August 2, 2004, and lasts until August 3, 2009.^xxxvi
The Kaolin Workers Union is an independent union, but it was not always planned to be. Four unions, the Retail, Wholesale, and Department Store Union (RWDSU), the United Food and Commercial Workers (UFCW), the United Steel Workers, and the Teamsters, all gave workers support during the strike. The RWSDU offered to provide each of the strikers with $100 a week for up to 18 weeks during the strike, and during the middle of the strike Kaolin workers voted for affiliation with them.^xxxvii When the leaders of the unions came, however, they did not succeed in gaining workers’ trust. Although their support helped, Luis Tlaseca described their effect on the strikers:
“Mandaron y empezaron ellos a enviar lideres de los locales, esos lideres en realidad, voy a decir que, fue un […] muy mala porque en realidad en vez de que vinieron organizar, vinieron echarnos un poco de contradicción a la gente a los lideres, la gente a los lideres. They ordered and started to send leaders from the locals, and really these leaders, I am going to say…it was very bad because instead of coming to organize, they came to throw us in a little of a contradiction between the people and the leaders, the people to the leaders.”^xxxviii
Workers stuck because they felt abused and emotionally disrespected by the company and wanted to gain power over their own lives. Handing over power to an outside union would contradict this goal, and instead they chose to be independent and represent themselves. As Tlaseca said, “¿Quién más que ellos saben cuales son sus problemas? Who more than [the workers] know what are their problems?.”^xxxix By making their own decisions as an independent union, workers would retain their hard fought for dignity and empowerment.
Along with the union, the Kaolin workers receive support from CATA, which Tlaseca now works for. KWU and CATA’s offices are located in the same building, and although they both work to advance the interest of mushroom workers and work closely together, they are distinct organizations that perform different functions. CATA does a lot of the groundwork, visiting mushroom workers to talk with them about their living and working conditions. Kaolin Mushroom Farms is the largest mushroom company in the area, but there are over 60 companies in the region whose workers are not unionized, so there is a lot of education and organizing still to be done in this area. CATA also provides leadership development workshops to build the organizing strength of union members and other workers. The KWU functions like any union would – collecting dues, advocating for workers, and dealing with everyday problems.^xl
The Kaolin Workers Union has been successful in empowering workers, but not to the extent that they may have hoped. In some negotiations, supervisors listen to workers and change their actions, prompting workers to believe in the strength of the union and gain a sense of power over their own lives. All decisions are made by consensus, as I learned when I was required to submit a proposal for this paper. However, even if Pia publicly stated that he would negotiate in good faith with the union, union members feel like this promise remains unfulfilled. In fact, Serafina Youngdahl Lombardi, the single union employee, describes the company’s cooperativeness: “They are not easy to work with, they don’t want us there. We have a really good labor lawyer in Philadelphia, and he’s like, ‘This is ridiculous, this is one of the more ridiculous situations I’ve worked with.’ That’s why we have one of the best labor lawyers because we are a very special situation: as an independent union, as mushroom workers in Pennsylvania, and because this company actively does not want us there.”^xli When the company does not listen, the union is forced to work through the legal system. Although arbitration can lead to big wins, it is not the preferred venue of resolution because it takes a long time, there is little worker involvement, and laws often aren’t written strongly enough to enforce needed change.
The growing number of immigrants presents a significant challenge to American labor unions; the Kaolin Workers Union being no exception. Immigrants often have fake papers, called “chuecos” or “crooked papers,” which increases their already heightened sense of vulnerability and discourages them from standing up for their rights for fear of being fired.^xlii Under the National Labor Relations Act, companies are required to pay back-pay to illegally fired workers, including those fired for union activity, but the Supreme Court ruling for NLRB vs. Hoffman Plastic Compounds in 2003 dictated that if the fired worker is an illegal immigrant, companies do not have to pay back-pay. This ruling lowered the incentive to fire undocumented workers, making it harder to organize immigrants.^xliii One reason that the Kaolin mushroom workers were able to unionize was that the majority of them attainted legal status after the 1986 Immigration Reform and Control Act granted unauthorized immigrants amnesty. Since most workers were documented, the climate was more conducive to organizing because Kaolin mushroom workers and were less afraid of being fired for union activity.^xliv Even though many of the Kaolin workers are documented, almost all have a family member that is not, so the sense of fear and insecurity remains a challenge.
Undocumented workers increasingly work as contract workers, which Kaolin Mushroom Farms hire. Contract workers do not have the same rights as hired workers and a greater percentage of contract labor in the workplace weakens the power of the union. Undocumented workers are less likely to stand up for themselves because they have little protection under the law. Serafina described this difficulty, saying: “A lot of them don’t have papers and they don’t know how to get good enough fake papers. They don’t have access to those situations, so, they stay totally marginalized and in the meantime, it undermines the whole workplace because once those people start getting abused, it undermines everyone else’s ability to try and stand up for themselves.”^xlv Kaolin Mushroom Farms is trying to hire greater numbers of contract workers and KWU is fighting hard against them. In the contract, it is agreed that “the Company may utilize subcontracted labor for a period of up to sixty (60) days to perform up to 10% of picking and harvesting work, provided, however that if there are no qualified or acceptable applicants for employment, the company may utilize a greater percentage of subcontracted labor.”^xlvi Too much contracted labor greatly weakens the union because it creates an atmosphere of fear and a disjointed, non-unified labor force.
Serafina maintains that as a union organizer, relationships built on trust are the only way to combat fear in the workplace, but there is not easy way to do it. Although contract workers can’t join the union, KWU has advocated on behalf of several contract workers in order to empower workers and foster trust. In one case, an undocumented pregnant woman’s supervisor pressured her to work too fast, and when she vomited in the bathroom, the supervisor yelled at her as well. KWU won the case and all workers felt a sense of empowerment, but advocating on behalf of those who don’t pay dues is extremely hard financially, and is not a fear reducing tactic that can be institutionalized.^xlvii
Another current issue facing KWU is the health and safety of mushroom workers. Picking mushrooms is a dangerous job because of the height of the mushroom beds and the slickness of the wooden boards that workers walk on. Workers come to the union with cases of permanent nerve damage and herniated disks, among other injuries, and it is the union’s job to advocate for them to get compensation. Another health and safety issue is the disclosure and use of dangerous chemicals; the union has to make sure that the chemicals that are used are safe, and if they are using dangerous chemicals that the affected workers get compensated. The biggest issue, according to Lombardi Youngdahl, is the company’s disrespect of the workers’ grievances. She explains, “It’s one thing to say, okay we are going to investigate it, and how do you feel, and lets take a look; and pretty much, we don’t believe you. […] Health and safety and the lack of respect that we get around it are major priorities.”^xlviii Again, it is not only the dangerous working conditions that are a problem, but the disrespectful dismissal of workers’ concerns by the company.
The strike by mushroom workers at Kaolin Mushroom Farms and their formation of an independent union is a resounding success story in this age of a weakened labor movement. Many immigrant agricultural workers experience similar working and living conditions, but yet are not organized. It is hard, however, to use the mushroom workers’ story as an example of how to organize agricultural workers because of unique conditions that they benefited from. First, many of the workers gained amnesty in 1986, and were thus were not as easily intimidated by the company. Today, with the ever increasing number of undocumented workers, companies hire contract labor to undermine organizing drives. Second, mushroom workers are not technically agricultural workers; they are considered horticultural workers. The NLRB does not recognize agricultural worker or horticultural worker unions, but in a “fluke” the PLRB did not remove horticultural workers from their recognition list, and so mushroom workers are able to organize under Pennsylvania state law. Third, the mushroom industry is essential to Kennett Square’s economy, and although not all residents are welcoming to immigrant workers, they see immigrants as a necessary to the community.^xlix Even with these helpful conditions working in their favor, KWU still faces resistance from the company and has to confront challenges stemming from undocumented workers and the climate of fear that the company has been able to create.
Agricultural workers are not recognized by the NLRB, but should be considering the abuse, disrespect, and oppressive conditions that they are forced to work under. Unfortunately, changing the unfavorable position of agricultural laborers (that stem from slavery) in labor law is not likely to happen soon as we are in a negative political climate for labor. However, John Sweeny and other current labor leaders are working hard to revitalize the labor movement, using new strategies of direct contact between organizers and workers, worker participation, and a focus on justice and dignity.^l The story of the Kaolin Workers Union is another example of a unionization drive that won by focusing on the issue of dignity in the workplace, gaining widespread support from the community, and empowering workers by involving them in organizing and decision making. Hopefully, using these strategies, marginalized agricultural workers will organize and win better working conditions and respect.

i Bastalick, Henrietta, Janice B. Taylor, and Richard W. Taylor. Kennett Square Yesterday and Today. Kennett Square: KNA Press Inc., 1982, p. 12.

ii Ibid.

iii Raikes, Jennifer C. “Immigration and Industry: Kennett Square, Pennsylvania in the Twentieth Century.” A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Bachelor of Arts in History. Swarthmore College, Swarthmore PA, December 1992, pp 13-22.

iv Youngdahl Lombardi, Serafina. Personal Interview. Dec. 1, 2006.

v Delaware and Pennsylvania Advisory Committee to the United States Commission on Civil Rights. “The Working and Living Conditions of Mushroom Workers.” Washington D.C.: United States Commission on Civil Rights, July 1977, p 20.

vi Barrientos, Tanya. “Pickers’ Work is Fast, Filthy, and Grueling.” Philadelphia Inquirer. 18 April, 1993.

vii Ibid.

viii Tlaseca, Luis. Personal Interview. Dec. 1, 2006.

ix Amaghi, Janet. Telephone Communication. Dec. 6, 2006.

x Read, Art. “Memorandum Regarding General Counsel’s Report.” II.B.2.a.1:1. 18 June 1993.

xi Tlaseca, Luis. Personal Interview. Dec. 1, 2006.

xii Ibid.

xiii El Comite de Apoyo a los Trabajadores Agrícolas. “Nuestro Triunfo en la Union: La lucha de los trabajadores de Kaolin Mushrooms.” Kennett Square, Pa, 1994.

xiv Read, Art. “Memorandum Regarding General Counsel’s Report.” II.B.2.a.1:1. 18 June 1993.

xv Tlaseca, Luis. Personal Interview. Dec. 1, 2006.

xvi Murphy, Marjorie. Class notes. Dec. 7, 2006.

xvii El Comite de Apoyo a los Trabajadores Agricolas. “Kaolin Workers Union.” 8 Aug. 2004.

xviii DeWolf, Rose. “Support for Strikers Mushrooms Latino Groups to Visit Kennett Square.” Philadelphia Daily News. 22 April 1993.

xix El Comite de Apoyo a los Trabajadores Agrícolas. “Nuestro Triunfo en la Union: La lucha de los trabajadores de Kaolin Mushrooms.” Kennett Square, Pa, 1994.

xx Read, Art. “Memorandum Regarding General Counsel’s Report.” II.B.2.a.1:1. 18 June 1993.

xxi Farmworker Justice. FLSA and AWPA Summaries. http://www.fwjustice.org/Immigration_Labor/ LaborDocs/FLSA-AWPASummaries.doc.

xxii Read, Art. “Memorandum Regarding General Counsel’s Report.” II.B.2.a.1:1. 18 June 1993.

xxiii Tlaseca, Luis. Personal Interview. Dec. 1, 2006.

xxiv Read, Art. “Memorandum Regarding General Counsel’s Report.” II.B.2.a.1:1. 18 June 1993.

xxv Rohr, Monica and Joseph A. Slobodzian. “500 March in Chesco to Back Strikers, Unionists Came to Show Solidarity. Mushroom Pickers Hoped to get Kaolin Owners to Negotiate.” Philadelphia Inquirer. 25 April, 1993.

xxvi Ibid.

xxvii Read, Art. “Memorandum Regarding General Counsel’s Report.” II.B.2.a.1:1. 18 June 1993.

xxviii deCourcy Hinds, Michael. “A Strike Agitates Mushroom County.” New York Times. 23 May, 1993.

xxix Asquith, Christina. “Union Effort Makes Slow Progress/Pickers at Kaolin in Kennett Square Began the Drive Seven Years Ago. The State Supreme Court is Hearing the Case Now.” Philadelphia Inquirer. 3 Dec. 1998.

xxx Asquith, Christina. “Mushroom Workers Win Unionization Bid/Kaolin’s Final Appeal Failed in Court. The Company’s President Said He was Obliged to Accept the Union.” Philadelphia Inquirer. 16 Dec. 1998.

xxxi Agreement between Kaolin Mushroom Farms and Kaolin Workers Union. 7 Jan 2002 – 2 Aug 2004.

xxxii El Comite de Apoyo a los Trabajadores Agricolas. “Kaolin Workers Union.” 8 Aug. 2004.

xxxiii Ibid.

xxxiv Ibid.

xxxv Amaghi, Janet. Telephone Communication. Dec. 6, 2006.

xxxvi Agreement between Kaolin Mushroom Farms and Kaolin Workers Union. 2 Aug 2004 – 3 Aug 2009.

xxxvii Henson, Rich. “Mushroom Workers Pick a Union to Join. If the Deal is Made, Strikers Get Benefits, Including $100 a Week for up to 18 Weeks.” Philadelphia Inquirer. 23 April, 1993.

xxxviii Tlaseca, Luis. Personal Interview. Dec. 1, 2006.

xxxix Ibid.

xl Youngdahl Lombardi, Serafina. Personal Interview. Dec. 1, 2006.

xli Ibid.

xlii Ibid.

xliii Amaghi, Janet. Telephone Communication. Dec. 6, 2006.

xliv Youngdahl Lombardi, Serafina. Telephone Communication. Dec. 7, 2006.

xlv Youngdahl Lombardi, Serafina. Personal Interview. Dec. 1, 2006.

xlvi Agreement between Kaolin Mushroom Farms and Kaolin Workers Union. 2 Aug 2004 – 3 Aug 2009.

xlvii Youngdahl Lombardi, Serafina. Telephone Communication. Dec. 7, 2006.

xlviii Youngdahl Lombardi, Serafina. Personal Interview. Dec. 1, 2006.

xlix Ibid.

l Sherman, Rachel and Kim Voss. “‘Organize or Die’: Labor’s New Tactics and Immigrant Workers.” Organizing Immigrants: The Challenge for Unions in Contemporary California. Ruth Milkman, ed. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2000.