Th e I s l a m ic R e p u b l ic o f I r a n
117
Farhadi’s film
A Separation
addressed
another social taboo, showing
the unbearable pressures brought by modern Iranian society on a
young married couple. That year the film won Hollywood’s Oscar
for Best Foreign Film, introducing Iranian cinema to a mainstream
American audience.
The temporary loosening of censorship during the 1990s and after
came largely from the efforts of moderate cleric Mohammad Khatami,
who served as minister of culture from 1982 to 1992. His surprise elec-
tion as president in 1997, followed by that of a large number of reform-
ists to parliament in 2000, led to significant changes in Iran’s
social
and political climate, including a relaxation of social controls and a
more open attitude toward the West. Khatami, well versed in Western
philosophy, promoted the notion of Dialogue Among Civilizations—a
clear rejoinder to Harvard political scientist Samuel Huntington’s pes-
simistic “Clash of Civilizations” theory. He was equally direct in chal-
lenging intolerance within his own society. “If, God forbid,” he wrote
in a typical essay, “some people want to impose
their rigid thinking on
Islam and call it God’s religion—since they lack the intellectual power
to confront the opposite side’s thinking on its own terms—they resort
to fanaticism. This merely harms Islam, without achieving the aims of
the people.”
7
Under Khatami’s presidency independent newspapers began to
flourish, modern art galleries thrived, and trendy cafés proliferated,
while novels and films explored controversial subjects such as prosti-
tution, government corruption, and drug abuse. Repressive measures
against Baha’is
were relaxed, allowing them to register their marriages
and conduct funerals. Iran became second only to Sweden as a desti-
nation for sex-change operations, which Khomeini had authorized as
preferable to homosexuality.
Enforcement of women’s dress codes was eased, though not elim-
inated: fashionable urban
girls pushed the limits of
hejab
by showing
tufts of highlighted hair under flimsy headscarves and wearing
tight-fitting
manteaux
in place of the chador. Nose jobs became so
popular that wearing a bandage across one’s septum became a fash-
ion statement. Khatami appointed Iran’s first female vice president,
American-educated environmental activist Massumeh Ebtekar—a
woman who, years earlier during the revolution,
had acted as fiery
spokesperson for the student hostage-takers at the US embassy.
The scope of Khatami’s reforms was limited by opposition from
hardline conservatives, many of whom held unelected positions in
Iran’s judiciary and security forces and were ultimately answerable to
I r a n i n Wo r l d H i s t o r y
118
Supreme Leader Ali Khamene’i. US policy toward Iran in the wake
of the 2001 terrorist attacks on New York
and Washington was not
helpful. Rather than embracing Khatami’s efforts at openness, in early
2002 US President George W. Bush branded Iran a member of the “axis
of evil,” even as Iran was quietly assisting the United States against
al-Qaeda and the Taliban in Afghanistan. Bush’s untimely declara-
tion was taken in Iran as a deliberate slap in the face and undermined
Khatami’s support within the country.
Khatami was ultimately unable to push through any lasting
changes because of opposition
from conservative forces, and large
numbers of reformists became disillusioned with his attempts to make
Iran more democratic. Many boycotted subsequent local and national
elections, allowing Supreme Leader Khamene’i’s favored candidate,
a working-class engineer named Mahmud Ahmadinejad, to win the
presidency in 2005.
Nose-job,
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