Iacobus Leodiensis [Iacobus de Montibus, Iacobus de Oudenaerde]

II. Sufism and popular Islam

1. Sufi music.

2. Popular Islam.

3. Dhikr and sufi ritual.

4. ‘Mawlid’.

5. The Mevlevi ayin.

6. Chishtī Sufism.

Islamic religious music, §II: Sufism and popular Islam.

1. Sufi music.

Sufism (Arab. tasawwuf) is an umbrella term applied to mystical practices that developed beyond the normal obligatory duties of Islam, both within and outside organized Sufi orders (tarīqa).

As a result of doctrinal controversy about the legal status of music (see §I, 2 above), early Sufi music avoided secular tunes and employed only reed-pipes, flutes and drums. Within many traditions, the frame drum (duff, tār, mizhār, dāire) remains the sole instrument used in communal rituals. From an early period the vocalization of the names of God (dhikr) became important (see §3 below). Ecstatic movements of the body were recognized as expressions of spontaneous emotion caused by experience of the divine, and head and arm movements, sometimes combined with simple steps, became incorporated into Sufi rituals. The Mevlevi order was the first to make dance as important as the dhikr (see §5 below). From the 14th century other orders adopted dance, as depicted in Persian miniature paintings (see fig.2). In Syria the samāh dance accompanied classical mūwashshah metric verses (see Syria, §2(ii)(a)).

From the 16th century the use of musical instruments and dancing was abandoned or forbidden within Shi‘a Sufi orders. Some orders (especially Shi‘a ones) gave up dance and/or musical performance altogether. Sufi music flourished within the Ottoman empire. From the 15th to 17th centuries, the Mevlevi, Rifā‘ī and Qādirī orders gained such strong recognition and political influence that they were able to develop their own music. This was strongly influenced by secular art music, which in turn influenced it (see Ottoman music). The South Asian Chishtī order is significant in its recognition of the use of musical instruments as valid in a devotional context (see §6 below).

Rituals are held at Sufi lodges or saints' shrines, on a weekly and occasional basis, with the aim of attaining union with God. They usually include dhikr (‘recollection of God’) (see §3 below). The various Sufi orders recognize spiritual ‘chains’ of transmission through male leaders; women have been largely excluded, although there are numerous ‘sister’ orders in Egypt. In Uighur Chinese Turkestan in 1989 a closed weekly ritual (zekr) for about a hundred women was documented as taking place without many of the husbands' approval.

Middle Eastern and Central Asian art music traditions are (to varying extents) imbued with Sufi concepts of spiritual audition, as reflected in the use of mystical song texts and reverential audience responses. The ethos and instrumentation of the Sūfiāna kalām of Kashmir also show these connections (see Kashmir, §3(i)). The Tunisian ma’lūf repertory is linked to Arab-Andalusian traditions preserved within Sufi lodges (see Tunisia, §1). The long Sufi poem in Persian, Mathnawī-i ma‘nawī by Jalāl al-Dīn Rūmī, has been spread by specialist mathnawī-singers. Its melody is found within the main vocal part of several modern dastgāhs of Persian art music (in particular the avāz-e Afshārī).

Outside the organized orders, music has an important place in certain groups which split away from Islam. Avoiding orthodox restrictions, they were able to cultivate music-making as an expression of pious emotion, developing and retaining musical forms no longer found elsewhere. The Bektaşi movement founded by Hajji Bektaş (d 1338) was accommodated within the Ottoman empire as a Sufi order, but its beliefs are heterodox, closely related to those of the Alevis and also to the Ahl-e Haqq sect (see §III, 2 below). (For an account of Yezidi sacred music and musical instruments see Kurdish music, §5.)

Islamic religious music, §II: Sufism and popular Islam.

2. Popular Islam.

Devotion to the Prophet Muhammad has popular expression at mawlids (see §4 below). Saints' shrines have provided an informal focus for religious music with strong popular appeal, and in Algeria, Morocco, Egypt and elsewhere saints' festivals (moussem, mawlid) with music attract thousands of pilgrims. In the Pakistani province of Sind, there are numerous musical shrines, those of Lāl Shahbāz Qalandar (d 1262) at Sehwan, and of Shāh Abdul Latīf (1690–1752) at Bhitshah being most notable (see Pakistan, §7(i)). At shrines and outside mosques, religious mendicants (variously known as faqīr, dervish, malang and qalandar) have improvised and disseminated religious folk music.

In Egypt religious singers (munshid) occupy a prominent role in rituals at shrines and in other settings. A leading exponent is Sheikh Yāsīn al-Tuhamī (b 1949), who specializes in the poetry of Ibn al-Fārid (d 1235). A munshid may be privately sponsored to sing at a layla or hafla dīniyya (‘religious night’), which includes dhikr and religious songs with melodic accompaniment (see Egypt, §II, 3).

Islamic and indigenous traditions mingle. In Liberia women sing ‘There is no god but Allah’ in Arabic while pounding rice for consumption at a funeral feast, combining the power of holy words with West African work-song. The use of religious invocations is notable in various traditional forms of therapy that employ music, divination and trance. Baluchistan is a desert area spanning south-eastern Iran and western Pakistan and influenced by African culture along its coast. There male musicians organize musical sessions (leb) to exorcize spirits (guat) believed to cause sickness. Instruments include the sorud (fiddle), with song texts drawn from well-known Persian Sufi poets and local material, including qalandar songs (see Iran, §III, 2(v)). In North Africa, Gnawa male professional musicians descended from African slaves have created musical sessions (lila: ‘night’) designed to induce healing trance states (hadra). These and other examples include pre-Islamic and non-Islamic practices and beliefs incorporated within Islamic mysticism.

In Indonesia, Malaysia and Singapore, vocal genres known as zikir or dikir (derived from the Arabic term dhikr) have popular appeal. Various styles use group repetitive singing of religious phrases with accompaniment on small frame drums, performed in a seated position, with coordinated body movements. In Malaysia dikir barat has developed into a form of competitive entertainment. The West Sumatran form (diki) spread from Aceh in the late 16th century, influenced by the Rifā‘ī sect whose Iraqi founder was Ahmad Rifā‘ī (d 1178).

See Indonesia, §VI; Malaysia, §I, 1(v) and (vi); and Singapore.

West Sumatra has other Sufi-derived popular genres. Indang has a lead solo singer with 11–15 musicians sitting cross-legged in a row, providing interlocking drum patterns and swaying movements of the upper body. Salawat dulang uses two singers performing interlocking continuous melodies with accompaniment on brass trays. These enliven weddings, circumcisions, death ceremonies and national and religious holidays. In Indonesia qasidah moderen (‘modern ode’) designates a popular type of religious music typically performed by a lead singer (usually female) and modern instrumentation (see Indonesia, §VIII, 1).

As the language of the Qur'an, Arabic has a special elevated status, greatly appreciated even in areas where it is not understood. The Taussig people of the sourthern Philippines have a tradition of highly melismatic songs in Arabic known as lugu, performed mainly by women (see Philippines, §II, 1(ii) (d)). (See also §III, 2(i) below.)

Islamic religious music, §II: Sufism and popular Islam.

3. Dhikr and sufi ritual.

The remarkable ecstatic rituals of the Sufis usually focus on the communal utterance (dhikr/zikr) of the sacred name of God (Allāh) and phrases such as Allāh hū (‘God is he’). The declaration (tawhīd) in Arabic of ‘There is no god but Allah’ is also commonly used. The term dhikr (or zikr) literally means the ‘remembrance’ of God. It refers both to the act of naming God and to the actual words or phrases used. In many societies it also designates the entire ritual session, but in North Africa this is called hadra (‘in the presence of [God]’) or in Sudan noba.

The Sufi dhikr rituals include recitations from the Qur'an, prayers and, optionally, singing. Group performances, coordinated by a religious leader, usually last several hours. Depending on tradition, the devotees stand, sit or dance in a circle or lines. Rhythmic breathing accompanies the constant repetition of the dhikrs, usually with regular body movements. Performance usually entails several phases, sometimes accelerating in tempo and dynamism. Many orders use frame drums for additional rhythmic effect.

Dhikr can be performed silently (as within the Naqshbandī order) or aloud, spoken or sung to a simple series of notes. Soloists or several singers (in unison or heterophony) often accompany the dhikr, commonly using classical forms such as the ghazal or qasīda. Most Ottoman orders (except the Mevlevi) formerly sang durak songs as solos or in chorus, with free improvisation, in pauses within the ritual. Turkish Sufis sometimes sing a form of mystical poetry (tevhit), which evolved from the tevhit (Arab. tawhīd) declaration ‘There is no god but Allah’. In some orders (e.g. Mevlevi and Rifā‘ī), dhikr and dance are performed side by side, complementing each other. In others dhikr, musical performance and dance-like movement may alternate or occur simultaneously. Among the Dayfī and Shadhilī in Alexandria and ‘Ammārī in Morocco, some participants dance while the rest perform the dhikr.

Outside the Sufi orders, dhikr has quite varied applications. Female dhikr performances have been documented in Transoxania (Central Asia) for many centuries. In the Ferghana valley, Uzbekistan, professional women religious practitioners (otin-oi) sing texts including classical poetry and dhikrs at life-cycle events and for problem-solving sessions (mushgelkushā). In western Afghanistan women use dhikrs as a form of lullaby. In Tajikistan female and male professional experts use them in shamanistic divinatory ceremonies (kōch) to call spirits for diagnostic and healing purposes. In Indonesia dikir maulud is used in contexts such as celebrations on passing a Qur'an-reading examination.

See also Afghanistan, §I, 4; Algeria, §2; Iran, §III, 2(i); Iraq, §II, 4; Morocco, §4(ii); Sudan, §1; Syria, §2(i); Tunisia, §§1(iv) and 2; Yemen, §I, 2(ii).

Islamic religious music, §II: Sufism and popular Islam.

4. ‘Mawlid’.

The term mawlid (‘birthday’) refers to celebrations attending the Prophet Muhammad's birthday or other occasions. There are many linguistic variants, the most common being mālid, mawlūd, mevlit, mevlut, milād, mōlid and mūlid. Mawlid designates both the festival and the hymns of praise and epics about the Prophet's life performed there.

The Prophet's birthday has been celebrated since at least the 9th century, and by the end of the 12th century it had become a magnificent festival with various musical and other entertainments. According to region, the mawlid developed in very different ways, offering scope for popular musical expression in local vernacular styles. These observances are particularly important in the Arab world, Turkey and Muslim Africa, being more muted (or absent) in other areas. In South Asia the milād has developed as a women's event, held at home to mark auspicious occasions (see India, §VI, 2).

Performance of the mawlid is not restricted to the Prophet's birthday, but can mark anniversaries of local saints (held at their shrines) and official and private days of commemoration, both joyful and sad. Performances may be held in public or private spaces, including saints' shrines and mosque courtyards, but rarely in the prayer hall itself. At outdoor venues where huge crowds gather, there may be other entertainments, such as fireworks, as in Libya.

In Egypt mawlids resemble vast fairs, with dhikr performances by many different Sufi orders, funfairs and secular entertainments. The mawlid in Cairo honouring the death of Husayn (the Prophet's grandson) draws huge crowds and lasts for several weeks. The October mawlid of Abū Haggāg in Luxor features a procession of boats as in pre-Islamic ceremonies related to the annual flooding of the Nile.

As performed in the Middle East, the mawlid generally begins with an introductory recitation from the Qur'an. There are songs in the qasīda and tawshih forms, and anecdotal sections describing the Prophet's life, performed solo in improvised free rhythm. Interspersed, there may be choral songs which invite audience participation. In Iraq the mawlid is divided into four sections, each comprising three to seven maqāms, marked off by metric songs in colloquial Arabic (see Iraq, §II, 3). In Turkey mevlit compositions began using the makams of art music in the 18th century, developing ‘improvised’ settings with precise rules for the selection of makam to text, as transmitted within schools for professional mevlit singers. In rural areas of Turkey, the mevlit is performed as a recitative with a narrow range but with impressive climaxes. However, styles vary considerably. In Oman and other parts of the Gulf, mālid ceremonies are conducted by two groups of men facing one another under the leadership of a shaykh (fig.3; see also Oman, §3(iv)).

Certain texts are commonly used within the mawlid. A Turkish mevlit, Vasilet ün-nejât (‘Way to salvation’), written by Sülyman Çelebi in 1409, spread throughout the Ottoman empire, known simply as ‘the mevlit’. The Arabic text by Ja‘far al-Barzanjī (d 1765), composed of prose narratives and accompanying invocations and poems, is used in Iraq and elsewhere. In North Africa al-burda (‘the Prophet's cloak’) is the best-known epic about the Prophet, chanted in its entirety once a week at the tomb of Sharaf al-Dīn al-Būsīrī (d 1298) in the centre of Alexandria, and used in mawlids.

Essentially popular, ceremonies for the Prophet's birthday borrow extensively from local musical styles. In the Dagbon area of northern Ghana, the damba festival entails performance on the damba (hourglass drum). In the Atlas mountains of Morocco, women perform highly rhythmic group singing, accompanied by drumming (on bendīrs), hand-clapping and ululation. In Liberia the mahodi festival includes an innovative dramatic enactment by women of the birth; the audience participates with singing, dancing and hand-clapping led by a song-leader (suku-ba) performing in Arabic. There are also reciters in Arabic, and translators work phrase by phrase, directly explaining the Arabic narrative content. The educational aspect of the Prophet's birthday celebrations is evident elsewhere. In Pakistan, schools and colleges present impressive milāds, and in Egypt children participate in group singing of mawlid songs glorifying the Prophet's life and work.

Celebrations for the Prophet's birthday present considerable diversity. Types of music (which may include audience participation) allow the strong expression of emotions ranging from happiness and exhilaration, spiritual ecstasy, and even the pain of separation, as in Iraq, when songs of separation (fragiyyāt) are performed in dialect. Melodic instruments are rarely used, but Java has a sacred type of gamelan (gong/metallophone ensemble) termed gamelan sekati. This provides music for the week of Sekaten, for seven days leading up to the Prophet's birthday, performing throughout the day and most of the night.

Islamic religious music, §II: Sufism and popular Islam.

5. The Mevlevi ayin.

Founded by ‘Mawlānā’ Jalāl al-Dīn Rūmī (1207–1273), the Mevlevi (Arab. Mawlawī) order was the first to develop dance with set forms and strict rules for group performance. Its centre is at Rūmī's tomb in Konya, Turkey.

The ceremonial dance (ayin-i şerif or mukabele) has retained its sacred ethos but now also flourishes as a tourist attraction and concert phenomenon. Its standardized musical form probably originated in the 17th century, the current version being a 19th-century development. Ayin compositions can be traced back to the 16th century. Over 100 reputedly survive (some as fragments), most by well-known composers. From the 18th century some were notated and over 40 are published. With closure of the Sufi orders in Turkey in 1925, Mevlevi rituals continued clandestinely, but in 1946 the ayin became officially permitted at anniversary celebrations of Rūmī's death at Konya.

The ayin is preceded and followed by Qur'anic recitation and prayers and is accompanied by Turkish art music songs and musical instruments. The original instrumentation of end-blown flute (ney) and frame drum (def) or small kettledrums (kudüm) is retained in country districts, but in western Anatolia and Istanbul it was gradually enlarged to include several flutes, a long-necked lute (tanbur), a fiddle (rebab), several pairs of small kettledrums and a pair of cymbals (halile) (fig.4).

Three introductory passages precede the dance: the na‘t (addressing the Prophet) composed by Itri (in makam rast and türkizarb metre); a non-metric taksim on flute, establishing the underlying makam; and the instrumental peşrev in devr-i kebir metre, usually in four sections, each ending with a refrain (teslim). The dance is performed to four vocal compositions known as selams (‘salutations’), usually to texts by Rūmī or his son Sultan Veled, chosen according to the makam of the day, which used to vary from week to week. The first selam has no set metre; the second is usually slow (ağir evfer metre); the third and longest has several vocal and instrumental sections in devr-i kebir metre, ending with an aksak semai, a saz semaisi and a yürük semai; the fourth selam may be a repetition of the second. The ayin closes with an instrumental postlude (son peşrev) and a piece named after its metre, son yürük semai.

The dancers move serenely in a continuous turning motion, the head characteristically tilted and arms raised sideways, right hand turned upwards and left downwards. They move in two rings around the sheikh who slowly gyrates in the centre, breaking the formation after each selam to move around once more.

Islamic religious music, §II: Sufism and popular Islam.

6. Chishtī Sufism.

The Chishtī order was founded by Mu‘īnuddīn Chishtī (d 1236), from the village of Chisht in western Afghanistan. His shrine at Ajmer, North India, is highly venerated by Muslims and non-Muslims as a pilgrimage site. It is an important centre for qawwālī, an ecstatic style performed by hereditary male professional singers with harmoniums supported by drums (dholak or tablā), hand-clapping and other voices (solo and in chorus). Chishtī Sufism is widespread in Pakistan and North India, significant for its ideology supporting the use of instrumental music in spiritual concerts (samā‘). Its major form, qawwālī, employs texts in Persian, Urdu and other local languages such as Punjabi, often by notable poets. Performers such as the Sabri Brothers and Nusrat Fateh Ali Khān have achieved commercial success and brought this music to a globalized and non-Muslim audience.

See also India, §VI, 2(ii) and Afghanistan, §I, 4.

Islamic religious music