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[N. Gregory(N. Gregory Mankiw) Mankiw] Principles (BookFi)

Fisher
effect,
after economist Irving Fisher (1867-1947), who first studied it.
The Fisher effect is, in fact, crucial for understanding changes over time in the
nominal interest rate. Figure 28-5 shows the nominal interest rate and the inflation
rate in the U.S. economy since 1960. The close association between these two vari-
ables is clear. The nominal interest rate rose from the early 1960s through the 1970s
because inflation was also rising during this time. Similarly, the nominal interest
rate fell from the early 1980s through the 1990s because the Fed got inflation under
control.
F i s h e r e f f e c t
the one-for-one adjustment
of the nominal interest rate to
the inflation rate
Percent
(per year)
1960
1965
1970
1975
1980
1985
1990
1995
Inflation
Nominal interest rate
0
3
6
9
12
15
F i g u r e 2 8 - 5
T
HE
N
OMINAL
I
NTEREST
R
ATE
AND THE
I
NFLATION
R
ATE
.
This figure uses annual data since
1960 to show the nominal interest
rate on three-month Treasury
bills and the inflation rate as
measured by the consumer price
index. The close association
between these two variables is
evidence for the Fisher effect:
When the inflation rate rises, so
does the nominal interest rate.
S
OURCE
: U.S. Department of Treasury;
U.S. Department of Labor.


C H A P T E R 2 8
M O N E Y G R O W T H A N D I N F L AT I O N
6 4 1
Q U I C K Q U I Z :
The government of a country increases the growth rate
of the money supply from 5 percent per year to 50 percent per year. What
happens to prices? What happens to nominal interest rates? Why might the
government be doing this?
T H E C O S T S O F I N F L AT I O N
In the late 1970s, when the U.S. inflation rate reached about 10 percent per year, in-
flation dominated debates over economic policy. And even though inflation was
low during the 1990s, inflation remained a closely watched macroeconomic vari-
able. One 1996 study found that 
inflation
was the economic term mentioned most
often in U.S. newspapers (far ahead of second-place finisher 
unemployment
and
third-place finisher 
productivity
).
Inflation is closely watched and widely discussed because it is thought to be a
serious economic problem. But is that true? And if so, why?
A FA L L I N P U R C H A S I N G P O W E R ? T H E I N F L AT I O N FA L L A C Y
If you ask the typical person why inflation is bad, he will tell you that the answer
is obvious: Inflation robs him of the purchasing power of his hard-earned dollars.
When prices rise, each dollar of income buys fewer goods and services. Thus, it
might seem that inflation directly lowers living standards.
Yet further thought reveals a fallacy in this answer. When prices rise, buyers of
goods and services pay more for what they buy. At the same time, however, sellers
of goods and services get more for what they sell. Because most people earn their
incomes by selling their services, such as their labor, inflation in incomes goes
hand in hand with inflation in prices. Thus, 
inflation does not in itself reduce people’s
real purchasing power.
People believe the inflation fallacy because they do not appreciate the princi-
ple of monetary neutrality. A worker who receives an annual raise of 10 percent
tends to view that raise as a reward for her own talent and effort. When an infla-
tion rate of 6 percent reduces the real value of that raise to only 4 percent, the
worker might feel that she has been cheated of what is rightfully her due. In fact,
as we discussed in Chapter 24, real incomes are determined by real variables, such
as physical capital, human capital, natural resources, and the available production
technology. Nominal incomes are determined by those factors and the overall
price level. If the Fed were to lower the inflation rate from 6 percent to zero, our
worker’s annual raise would fall from 10 percent to 4 percent. She might feel less
robbed by inflation, but her real income would not rise more quickly.
If nominal incomes tend to keep pace with rising prices, why then is inflation
a problem? It turns out that there is no single answer to this question. Instead,
economists have identified several costs of inflation. Each of these costs shows
some way in which persistent growth in the money supply does, in fact, have
some effect on real variables.


6 4 2
PA R T T E N
M O N E Y A N D P R I C E S I N T H E L O N G R U N
S H O E L E AT H E R C O S T S
As we have discussed, inflation is like a tax on the holders of money. The tax itself
is not a cost to society: It is only a transfer of resources from households to the gov-
ernment. Yet, as we first saw in Chapter 8, most taxes give people an incentive to
alter their behavior to avoid paying the tax, and this distortion of incentives causes
deadweight losses for society as a whole. Like other taxes, the inflation tax also
causes deadweight losses because people waste scarce resources trying to avoid it.
How can a person avoid paying the inflation tax? Because inflation erodes the
real value of the money in your wallet, you can avoid the inflation tax by holding
less money. One way to do this is to go to the bank more often. For example, rather
than withdrawing $200 every four weeks, you might withdraw $50 once a week.
By making more frequent trips to the bank, you can keep more of your wealth in
your interest-bearing savings account and less in your wallet, where inflation
erodes its value.
The cost of reducing your money holdings is called the 

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