The Next 100 Years



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The Next 100 Years A Forecast for the 21st Century ( PDFDrive )

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Islamic World—Modern
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e a r t h q u a k e
A detailed description of how the region, and Afghanistan in particular, 
destabilized is not critical here, any more than a blow by blow of what hap­
pened in Yugoslavia would be illuminating. It can be summarized as fol­
lows: From the late seventies until the fall of the Soviet Union, the United 
States helped create forces in Afghanistan that could resist the Soviet Union— 
and these forces turned on the United States once the Soviet Union col­
lapsed. Trained in the covert arts, knowledgeable about the processes of U.S. 
intelligence, these men mounted an operation against the United States that 
involved many stages and culminated on September 11, 2001. The United 
States responded by surging into the region, first in Afghanistan and then in 
Iraq, and quickly the entire region came apart. 
As had been the case with the Soviet Union after World War II, the 
United States used the jihadists for its own ends and then had to cope with 
the monster it had created. But that was the lesser problem. The more dan­
gerous dilemma was that the collapse of the Soviet Union disrupted the sys­
tem of relationships that kept the region in some sort of order. With or 
without al Qaeda, the Muslim entities within the former Soviet Union and 
to its south were going to become unstable, and as in Yugoslavia, that insta­
bility was going to draw in the only global power, the United States, one 
way or another. It was a perfect storm. From the Austrian border to the 
Hindu Kush, the region shuddered and the United States moved to bring it 
under control, with mixed results, to say the least. 
There is another aspect of this that is noteworthy, especially in light of 
the demographic trends we will discuss in the next chapter. There was tre ­
mendous internal unrest in the Muslim world. The resistance of Islamic tra­
ditionalists to shifts in custom, particularly concerning the status of women 
and driven by demographic change, was one of the driving forces behind 
the region’s instability. The struggle between traditionalists and secularizers 
upended the region’s societies, and the United States was held responsible 
for the growing calls for secularization. This seems like an obvious and super­
ficial reading of the situation, but as we will see, it has deeper and broader 
significance than might be apparent at first glance. Changes in the family 
structure, resistance to those changes, and September 11 were closely linked. 
From the broadest geopolitical perspective, September 11 ended the in­
terregnum between the end of the Cold War and the beginning of the next 


38
t h e n e x t 1 0 0 y e a r s
era: the U.S.–jihadist war. The jihadists could not win, if by winning we 
mean the re- creation of the Caliphate, an Islamic empire. Divisions in the 
Islamic world were too powerful to overcome, and the United States was too 
powerful to simply be defeated. The chaos could never have congealed into 
a jihadist victory. 
This era is actually less a coherent movement than a regional spasm, the 
result of a force field being removed. Ethnic and religious divisions in the Is­
lamic world mean that even if the United States is expelled from the region, 
no stable political base will emerge. The Islamic world has been divided and 
unstable for over a thousand years, and hardly looks to become more united 
anytime soon. At the same time, even an American defeat in the region 
would not undermine basic American global power. Like the Vietnam War
it would be merely a transitory event. 
At the moment, the U.S.–jihadist conflict appears so powerful and of 
such overwhelming importance that it is difficult to imagine it simply fad­
ing away. Serious people talk about a century of such conflict dominating 
the world, but under the twenty- year perspective outlined in the early pages 
of this book, the prospect of a world still transfixed by a U.S.–jihadist war in 
2020 is the least likely outcome. In fact, what is happening in the Islamic 
world ultimately will not matter a great deal. If we assume that the upward 
trajectory of U.S. power remains intact, then 2020 should find the United 
States facing very different challenges. 

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