158
INTRODUCTION
PTM
|
Fvk
|
Evn
|
Sol
|
Neg
|
Oroch
|
Ud
|
Ulcha
|
Orok
|
Nan
|
Man
|
Jurdi
|
j
|
|,fP
|
j, 022
|
J/022
|
i'022
|
(,0»
|
j,(F
|
1,0*
|
),0*
|
(,0*
|
j,0»
|
1,022
|
k-
|
k-
|
k-
|
k-/x-
|
k-
|
k-
|
k-
|
k-
|
k-
|
k-
|
k-/x-
|
k-
|
k23
|
k
|
k
|
k/x/y/0
|
k/x
|
k/x/0
|
k/x/y/0
|
k/0
|
k/0
|
k/0
|
k/x
|
k/x
|
%'
|
P
|
8
|
8
|
8
|
g
|
g
|
g
|
g
|
g
|
g
|
g !
|
g24
|
Y
|
Y/w/j/0Jy/w/j/o|y/w/j/4'/w/]7o|y/w/j/O
|
Y/'w/j/Ok'/w/j/O
|
y/w/j/aY/w/j/ofy/w
|
X-
|
0
|
0
|
0
|
0
|
0
|
0
|
x/s4
|
x/s4
|
x/s4
|
0/x25
|
h
|
X26
|
k
|
k
|
k/x/y/0
|
k/x
|
k/x/0
|
k/x/y/0
|
x/0
|
x/0
|
x/0
|
k/x
|
k/x
|
r>-
|
0
|
n
|
i)
|
n, ni-
|
r)/ri/m22
|
n/ri/m/w22
|
n/ri/m/h/m/w27m/m/w g/w29
W27 j/028 1
|
g/w/rH
|
0
|
0
|
0
|
13
|
n
|
0,0
|
13,0
|
5S:.P?!..
|
r>g,03°
|
OS-030
|
ng,m
|
0, m 1
|
Notes
0- in the North Baikal dialect.
0- in the Kamchatka and Arman dialects.
Sporadically - s- before -i-.
s- before *-i- and *-ia-.
p- in literary Nanai and in the Naikhi dialect; f- in the Bikin dialect; in Kur-Urmi usually x-, but some examples of f- are also attested, obviously because of interdialectal borrowings (the Kur-Urmi dialect historically belongs rather not to Nanai, but to the Northern subgroup of TM).
Intervocalic *-p- is rather stable in Ulcha, Orok and Nanai, where it is usually preserved (but occasionally can be voiced > -b-; in Bikin Nanai the standard reflex is -f-). Evenki and Even have either a stop (Evk. -p-, Evn. -b-) or a resonant (Evk. -W-/-0-, Evn. -W-/-0-). In Anuria we reconstructed *-p- for the former, but *-b- for the latter row of correspondences. It appears, however, that they are in complementary distribution, the Evk.-Evn. -w-reflex appearing for the most part between identical vowels (in sequences *apa, *epe, *upu, *ipi, *iapa, also *opa > *opo); in a number of exceptions, where Evenki and Even have -p- between identical vowels, we are probably dealing with later vocalic assimilations.
All languages except Manchu usually have -w-/-0- here; Manchu has a variation -b-/-w- (occasionally also -f-). Languages of the Southern branch can also occasionally have -b- here: for the most part we may be dealing with Manchu loanwords, but a genuine dialect variation also cannot be excluded. In Northern languages (in Even, much less frequently in Evenki dialects) the reflex -y- is also sometimes observed, usually before the following -u-.
CHAPTER THREE
159
In this row of correspondences, Tsintsius 1949 and Starostin (AOm-rDtH) reconstructed PTM *-w~; in the dictionary we have adopted Benzing's reconstruction *-b-, thus eliminating PTM *-w- from the system altogether. Note that the only reliable case where initial *w- can be reconstructed, PTM *wa- kill', should also be rather emended to *Vba-(probably *eba-, cf. eb- in Manchu eb-te gaxun 'hunting bird' = * killing bird').
PTM *-b- is usually well preserved in all languages in clusters with consonants (*-rb-, Mb- etc.).
> h in the position of palatalization.
Sporadically > c before -i-.
> c before -i- and -ia-.
Sporadically > 3 before -i-.
> 3 before -i- and -ia-.
13. The Evenki dialects are classified into s-dialects, s-dialects,
h-dialects and s/h-dialects, see details in Bac. In the s-dialects *s > s; in
the s-dialects *s > s; in the h-dialects *s > h; in the s/h-dialects *s- > s-, -s-
>-h-.
0 in the Kamchatka dialect, s in the Arman dialect.
> s before -i-, -ia-; c or c in some old recordings.
On the development in Even dialects see details in P3C. In the Kolyma-Omolon dialect *-s-, *-s > s; in the Indigir dialect *-s- > -h-; in the Arman dialect *s > c in consonant clusters.
All languages reveal (in various degrees) the tendency of shifting *1->n-.
In the Bikin dialect: c before i, otherwise c.
In the Bikin dialect: 3 before i, otherwise 3.
The reconstruction of *s was introduced in AYlyiURR, following a suggestion of O. Mudrak. We must add that a fricative reflex, besides Manchu, is also present in the Bikin dialect of Nanai; all other languages have completely merged PTM *s and *c.
Initial *ri- may develop into j- between front vowels and *-ia-, although exact rules are not yet quite clear, because of a great deal of confusion between *n- and *ri- (sometimes also *n-) in this position.
Depending on the vocalic environment.
Intervocalic *-k- is usually preserved. It can, however, yield -0- in trisyllabic words in Ulcha, Orok and Nanai, and occasionally also gives -0-reflexes in Oroch and Udehe (very rarely - in Even). A fricative reflex (with a not quite clear distribution) is also attested in Negidal, Solon, Udehe, Manchu and Jurchen. In a few cases in disyllabic and trisyllabic
160
INTRODUCTION
forms variants with -G- are attested in Southern languages, being probably just misrecordings for a weakened intervocalic uvular -q-.
Intervocalic *-g- is extremely unstable. In this position it is usually articulated as a fricative -y- (in the back row alternatively recorded as -G-, -y- or -K-) and is best preserved in Evenki. The most frequent reflexes in other languages are -w-, -j- or -0-, depending on vocalic environment.
The basic reflex in Manchu is 0- (occasionally j-, sometimes nasalized to n- in front of the following nasal). The reflex x- is, however, also not unfrequent (unlike Northern languages that only have 0- here). Note that in all attested cases, Jurchen, which is actually an old Manchu dialect, still has h- (that was possibly pronounced as x-), thus a number of words with x- < *x- in Manchu may be a result of old interdialectal mixture.
Intervocalic *-x- is an innovation in PTM reconstruction, first proposed in 4h6o 1990. It is based on the distinction between -k- and -x-in Ulcha, Orok and Nanai. Northern languages, as well as Oroch, Udehe and Manchu have completely merged the reflexes of *-k- and *-x-. Such a reconstruction seems probable for two reasons: 1) the languages that preserve the distinction between *-k- and *-x- are exactly the same languages that preserve initial *x-; 2) the distinction between *-k- and *-x- seems to reflect the Altaic distinction *-k- : *-kr- (see above), thus exactly parallelling the distinction *k- : *x- in word-initial position.
Depending on the vocalic environment; w- before a diphthong.
n- or m- depending on the vocalic environment; w- before a diphthong; 0- before a following nasal.
w- before a diphthong.
n in *Cini; 0 in trisyllabic suffixed forms and in disyllables ending in a nasal (see LImhiimvc 1949, 44).
The Tungus-Manchu languages have also a rich system of consonant clusters, frequently yielding rather complicated reflexes. Here is the basic system of correspondences for non-standard TM consonant clusters:
PTM
|
Evk
|
Evn
|
Sol
|
Neg
|
Oroch
|
Ud
|
Ulcha
|
Orok
|
Nan
|
Man
|
pk
|
pk
|
pk
|
kk
|
pk
|
PP
|
kp
|
PP
|
kp
|
kp
|
x
|
Pt
|
Pt
|
Pt
|
kt, tt
|
P*
|
tt
|
pt, tt
|
|
|
|
|
rp
|
rP
|
rp
|
rp,PP
|
tp
|
PP
|
kp
|
IP
|
rP
|
rP
|
p, rf
|
IP
|
IP
|
|
|
|
|
|
IP
|
!P
|
*P
|
lf,p
|
lb
|
lb
|
lb
|
lb
|
lb
|
bb
|
gb
|
lb
|
lb
|
lb
|
lb,b
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