16. Ups and Downs with Malaysia
On 20 March 1966,
eight months after separation, Tunku Abdul Rahman, the
prime minister of Malaysia, visited Singapore. I called on him at Federation
House near the Botanic Gardens. For three hours we talked, had a Chinese
dinner, watched television and continued talking. The only other persons present
that night were his wife and the
Malaysian high commissioner, Jamal Abdul
Latiff. It was the way the Tunku usually conducted business. He talked of many
things besides the matters most on his mind.
The Tunku proposed that Singapore ministers join his ministers for golf in
Cameron Highlands in April when he would be on leave after the installation of
the Agong (the king). We would then get to know each other better and all the
difficulties could be sorted out. He wanted to go back to the old easy, relaxed
relationship to reduce tension between his non-Malays and Malays. I said that
April would not be convenient; I had to go to London and Stockholm. Perhaps in
June. Over dinner he made a veiled threat by
reminding me casually that
Singapore’s lifeline was with Malaysia, that Singapore had to work closely with
it. He asked why we had stopped their unemployed from seeking jobs in
Singapore. I explained that we could not have free migration to Singapore for
jobs. He could not understand how this strained our economy; the same thing
was happening in Kuala Lumpur. He had asked the Federal Industrial
Development Agency to set up pioneer
industries in Kuala Lumpur, Ipoh,
Penang and Johor Bahru. These things were bound to happen because Singapore
was a big city! I patiently explained that unemployed Malaysians were not
Singapore’s responsibility, that we had our own unemployed for whom we had
to find jobs.
He complained about Chin Chye and Raja making speeches criticising
Malaysia. I explained that those of my ministers who came from Malaya still
reacted as Malayans, emotionally unable to detach themselves from the land of
their birth and upbringing. They needed time to be reconciled to being
Singaporeans in a separate and independent country. Showing annoyance and
impatience,
he said sharply, “They must do so very quickly because I will not
stand for this. These people have got other ideas and motives. In Raja’s case, his
loyalty may even be to India.” The Tunku was wrong. Raja had been totally
loyal to Malaysia although he was born in Jaffna, Ceylon.
Before I took my leave at the front door, I said that we had to reach a new
working relationship and cooperate for mutual benefit, hinting ever so gently
that we could not go back to the happy old days when we were the supplicants
seeking merger.
I had mixed feelings about this first encounter with the Tunku after
separation. He still expected me to oblige him. But I was reassured that he
appeared to be still in charge.
I knew he wanted a quiet life, and did not like
prolonged tensions or crises.
Malaysia’s leaders continued to treat us as though we were still in the early
1960s, seeking merger. For their convenience, we were out of their Parliament
and their politics. Now, although Singapore was independent and sovereign, the
Tunku believed that his one battalion in Singapore and his ability to cut off our
water supply or close the Causeway to stop all trade and travel would compel us
to comply. If he could do this just with his old-world aristocratic charm, so much
the better.
In 1966 I was away for two months from April. Throughout this time, the
Tunku, Razak and Ghazali sniped at Toh Chin Chye,
then our deputy prime
minister, and me because we appeared ready to restore ties with Indonesia before
Malaysia did so. The Tunku threatened reprisals. Chin Chye, as acting prime
minister, had welcomed Indonesia’s decision to recognise Singapore. Greatly
upset, the Malaysian government issued this statement:
“Singapore’s decision to welcome Indonesia’s decision to recognise her
clearly means that Singapore would have some sort of relation or
intercourse with Indonesia and this would bring
Indonesian nationals to
Singapore. Clearly when this happens, it will endanger our security as
Indonesia has repeatedly stated and is continuing to do so that she intends
to intensify confrontation against Malaysia. Malaysia must therefore
continue to take whatever measure she considers necessary to safeguard
her interests and her security.”
Immediately after that, on 18 April, Dr Ismail,
the Malaysian minister for
home affairs, imposed with immediate effect entry controls for Singapore
identity card holders crossing the Causeway.
When I met the Tunku after I returned from my visit to Britain and Eastern
Europe, he grumbled to me about my journeys to these communist countries,
that they would open embassies in Singapore and pose a threat to Malaysia. How
could I have said I wanted to be good friends with China and Indonesia, he
asked. I said that although my style was different from his, I did not intend to be
eaten up by the communists. I recounted how we had refused permission for the
crew of a Chinese ship docked in Singapore to land because the captain refused
to sign an undertaking that they would not distribute their cultural revolution
propaganda material. Radio Peking had attacked our immigration department. I
explained that East European countries,
excepting Romania, were taking the
Soviet line which was opposed to China’s. Their neutrality or support would
prevent us from becoming isolated, which could happen because Singapore was
hosting British bases, anathema to the non-aligned countries.
Meanwhile, UMNO leaders continued to use the
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