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inflict serious harm, the aim of MB is to prevent the ‘morally corrupt minority’ (p.
162) from doing so.
Let us consider the notion of increasing empathy to illustrate some difficulties with
this approach to MB. Increasing empathy comes to mind when we think about what
kinds of intervention might carry out the task that Persson and Savulescu (2008)
want MB to do. Lack of empathy is sometimes said to be correlated with criminal
behaviour and it seems sensible to assume that increasing one’s appreciation (be it
cognitive, affective or both) of others’ suffering will decrease the likelihood of
behaviour that is likely to result in harm. For the purpose of this argument let us
assume that there is an intervention that substantially increases empathy and is
shown to be effective regardless of the measure used to assess the magnitude of that
effect. But increasing general empathy will most likely not be enough, for several
reasons— even when we assume that increased
empathy is going to make a
substantial difference to our motivations to act in a certain way (see: Persson and
Savulescu, 2008; Fenton, 2010; Harris, 2011).
First, we know that moral reasons are not the only basis for action and that
prudential reasons can override moral ones. Thus, even if increased empathy indeed
gives rise to reasons not to harm others that are stronger than before, they may not
be strong enough to cause us to refrain from performing a fatally harmful action. As
a result, it is reasonable to expect that even a highly efficient intervention will not
be sufficient to abolish the possibility of harm completely.
Second, there may be cases where an increase in empathy will increase the risk of
large-scale harm. It is not clear that the allegedly morally corrupt minority that may
pose a threat acts solely on the basis of non-moral reasons. This claim seems to be
based on a conflation of two uses of ‘moral’—one to describe a
kind
of reason for
action and ethical assessment of actions. Thus, when we refer to the ‘morally
corrupt minority’ we might mean ‘those whose acts we judge as immoral’.
However, it is possible for a terrorist’s actions to at least appear to be based on
moral reasons, that is, reasons of a moral
kind
. There is a long tradition of those
who claim to be fighting for what they consider to be a better world regarding the
infliction of harm as a necessary evil; sometimes we may support this struggle and
33
sometimes we may denounce it. We may disagree with
the moral assessment that
the terrorist has made, rejecting some or all of her reasons for action, we may
disagree about which ends are desirable, or we may simply disagree on our
predictions of likely consequences—chances of success
and the cost of bringing
about the desired end. On the other hand, there is also a long tradition of arguing
against change despite the harms that result from leaving things as they are.
6
There are other reasons why MB may be unsuitable to serve the purpose Persson
and Savulescu (2008) want it to serve. They emphasise wickedness as a cause of
large-scale harm but, as Harris (2011) points out in his response in ‘Moral
Enhancement and Freedom’, large-scale harm can be inflicted not only by ‘the bad’
but also by ‘the mad’. Moreover, it
can result from incompetence, stupidity,
negligence or miscalculation (Harris, 2011, Fenton, 2010). Thus, MB, even if
possible and effective, is likely to be unable to offset the dangers allegedly brought
about by cognitive enhancement and the development of science in general. If this
is the only goal of MB, than we have little chance of achieving it.
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