Party and that ambitious members of the Outer Party are
made harmless by allowing them to rise. Proletarians, in
practice, are not allowed to graduate into the Party. The
most gifted among them, who might possibly become nu-
clei of discontent, are simply marked down by the Thought
Police and eliminated. But this state of affairs is not neces-
sarily permanent, nor is it a matter of principle. The Party
is not a class in the old sense of the word. It does not aim
at transmitting power to its own children, as such; and if
there were no other way of keeping the ablest people at the
top, it would be perfectly prepared to recruit an entire new
generation from the ranks of the proletariat. In the crucial
years, the fact that the Party was not a hereditary body did
a great deal to neutralize opposition. The older kind of So-
cialist, who had been trained to fight against something
called ‘class privilege’ assumed that what is not hereditary
cannot be permanent. He did not see that the continuity
of an oligarchy need not be physical, nor did he pause to
reflect that hereditary aristocracies have always been short-
lived, whereas adoptive organizations such as the Catholic
Church have sometimes lasted for hundreds or thousands
of years. The essence of oligarchical rule is not father-to-son
inheritance, but the persistence of a certain world-view and
a certain way of life, imposed by the dead upon the living. A
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ruling group is a ruling group so long as it can nominate its
successors. The Party is not concerned with perpetuating
its blood but with perpetuating itself. WHO wields power
is not important, provided that the hierarchical structure
remains always the same.
All the beliefs, habits, tastes, emotions, mental attitudes
that characterize our time are really designed to sustain the
mystique of the Party and prevent the true nature of pres-
ent-day society from being perceived. Physical rebellion, or
any preliminary move towards rebellion, is at present not
possible. From the proletarians nothing is to be feared. Left
to themselves, they will continue from generation to gener-
ation and from century to century, working, breeding, and
dying, not only without any impulse to rebel, but without
the power of grasping that the world could be other than it
is. They could only become dangerous if the advance of in-
dustrial technique made it necessary to educate them more
highly; but, since military and commercial rivalry are no
longer important, the level of popular education is actually
declining. What opinions the masses hold, or do not hold,
is looked on as a matter of indifference. They can be granted
intellectual liberty because they have no intellect. In a Party
member, on the other hand, not even the smallest deviation
of opinion on the most unimportant subject can be toler-
ated.
A Party member lives from birth to death under the eye
of the Thought Police. Even when he is alone he can never be
sure that he is alone. Wherever he may be, asleep or awake,
working or resting, in his bath or in bed, he can be inspected
1984
without warning and without knowing that he is being in-
spected. Nothing that he does is indifferent. His friendships,
his relaxations, his behaviour towards his wife and children,
the expression of his face when he is alone, the words he
mutters in sleep, even the characteristic movements of his
body, are all jealously scrutinized. Not only any actual mis-
demeanour, but any eccentricity, however small, any change
of habits, any nervous mannerism that could possibly be
the symptom of an inner struggle, is certain to be detected.
He has no freedom of choice in any direction whatever. On
the other hand his actions are not regulated by law or by any
clearly formulated code of behaviour. In Oceania there is
no law. Thoughts and actions which, when detected, mean
certain death are not formally forbidden, and the endless
purges, arrests, tortures, imprisonments, and vaporizations
are not inflicted as punishment for crimes which have ac-
tually been committed, but are merely the wiping-out of
persons who might perhaps commit a crime at some time in
the future. A Party member is required to have not only the
right opinions, but the right instincts. Many of the beliefs
and attitudes demanded of him are never plainly stated, and
could not be stated without laying bare the contradictions
inherent in Ingsoc. If he is a person naturally orthodox (in
Newspeak a GOODTHINKER), he will in all circumstanc-
es know, without taking thought, what is the true belief or
the desirable emotion. But in any case an elaborate men-
tal training, undergone in childhood and grouping itself
round the Newspeak words CRIMESTOP, BLACKWHITE,
and DOUBLETHINK, makes him unwilling and unable to
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think too deeply on any subject whatever.
A Party member is expected to have no private emotions
and no respites from enthusiasm. He is supposed to live in a
continuous frenzy of hatred of foreign enemies and internal
traitors, triumph over victories, and self-abasement before
the power and wisdom of the Party. The discontents pro-
duced by his bare, unsatisfying life are deliberately turned
outwards and dissipated by such devices as the Two Minutes
Hate, and the speculations which might possibly induce a
sceptical or rebellious attitude are killed in advance by his
early acquired inner discipline. The first and simplest stage
in the discipline, which can be taught even to young chil-
dren, is called, in Newspeak, CRIMESTOP. CRIMESTOP
means the faculty of stopping short, as though by instinct,
at the threshold of any dangerous thought. It includes the
power of not grasping analogies, of failing to perceive logi-
cal errors, of misunderstanding the simplest arguments if
they are inimical to Ingsoc, and of being bored or repelled
by any train of thought which is capable of leading in a
heretical direction. CRIMESTOP, in short, means protec-
tive stupidity. But stupidity is not enough. On the contrary,
orthodoxy in the full sense demands a control over one’s
own mental processes as complete as that of a contortion-
ist over his body. Oceanic society rests ultimately on the
belief that Big Brother is omnipotent and that the Party is
infallible. But since in reality Big Brother is not omnipotent
and the party is not infallible, there is need for an unwea-
rying, moment-to-moment flexibility in the treatment of
facts. The keyword here is BLACKWHITE. Like so many
1984
8
Newspeak words, this word has two mutually contradicto-
ry meanings. Applied to an opponent, it means the habit of
impudently claiming that black is white, in contradiction of
the plain facts. Applied to a Party member, it means a loyal
willingness to say that black is white when Party discipline
demands this. But it means also the ability to BELIEVE that
black is white, and more, to KNOW that black is white, and
to forget that one has ever believed the contrary. This de-
mands a continuous alteration of the past, made possible
by the system of thought which really embraces all the rest,
and which is known in Newspeak as DOUBLETHINK.
The alteration of the past is necessary for two reasons,
one of which is subsidiary and, so to speak, precaution-
ary. The subsidiary reason is that the Party member, like
the proletarian, tolerates present-day conditions partly be-
cause he has no standards of comparison. He must be cut
off from the past, just as he must be cut off from foreign
countries, because it is necessary for him to believe that
he is better off than his ancestors and that the average lev-
el of material comfort is constantly rising. But by far the
more important reason for the readjustment of the past is
the need to safeguard the infallibility of the Party. It is not
merely that speeches, statistics, and records of every kind
must be constantly brought up to date in order to show that
the predictions of the Party were in all cases right. It is also
that no change in doctrine or in political alignment can
ever be admitted. For to change one’s mind, or even one’s
policy, is a confession of weakness. If, for example, Eurasia
or Eastasia (whichever it may be) is the enemy today, then
9
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that country must always have been the enemy. And if the
facts say otherwise then the facts must be altered. Thus his-
tory is continuously rewritten. This day-to-day falsification
of the past, carried out by the Ministry of Truth, is as neces-
sary to the stability of the regime as the work of repression
and espionage carried out by the Ministry of Love.
The mutability of the past is the central tenet of Ingsoc.
Past events, it is argued, have no objective existence, but
survive only in written records and in human memories.
The past is whatever the records and the memories agree
upon. And since the Party is in full control of all records
and in equally full control of the minds of its members, it
follows that the past is whatever the Party chooses to make
it. It also follows that though the past is alterable, it never
has been altered in any specific instance. For when it has
been recreated in whatever shape is needed at the moment,
then this new version IS the past, and no different past can
ever have existed. This holds good even when, as often hap-
pens, the same event has to be altered out of recognition
several times in the course of a year. At all times the Party
is in possession of absolute truth, and clearly the absolute
can never have been different from what it is now. It will
be seen that the control of the past depends above all on
the training of memory. To make sure that all written re-
cords agree with the orthodoxy of the moment is merely
a mechanical act. But it is also necessary to REMEMBER
that events happened in the desired manner. And if it is
necessary to rearrange one’s memories or to tamper with
written records, then it is necessary to FORGET that one
1984
0
has done so. The trick of doing this can be learned like any
other mental technique. It is learned by the majority of Par-
ty members, and certainly by all who are intelligent as well
as orthodox. In Oldspeak it is called, quite frankly, ‘reality
control’. In Newspeak it is called DOUBLETHINK, though
DOUBLETHINK comprises much else as well.
DOUBLETHINK means the power of holding two
contradictory beliefs in one’s mind simultaneously, and ac-
cepting both of them. The Party intellectual knows in which
direction his memories must be altered; he therefore knows
that he is playing tricks with reality; but by the exercise of
DOUBLETHINK he also satisfies himself that reality is not
violated. The process has to be conscious, or it would not
be carried out with sufficient precision, but it also has to be
unconscious, or it would bring with it a feeling of falsity and
hence of guilt. DOUBLETHINK lies at the very heart of In-
gsoc, since the essential act of the Party is to use conscious
deception while retaining the firmness of purpose that goes
with complete honesty. To tell deliberate lies while genu-
inely believing in them, to forget any fact that has become
inconvenient, and then, when it becomes necessary again,
to draw it back from oblivion for just so long as it is needed,
to deny the existence of objective reality and all the while
to take account of the reality which one denies—all this is
indispensably necessary. Even in using the word DOUBLE-
THINK it is necessary to exercise DOUBLETHINK. For
by using the word one admits that one is tampering with
reality; by a fresh act of DOUBLETHINK one erases this
knowledge; and so on indefinitely, with the lie always one
1
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leap ahead of the truth. Ultimately it is by means of DOU-
BLETHINK that the Party has been able—and may, for all
we know, continue to be able for thousands of years—to ar-
rest the course of history.
All past oligarchies have fallen from power either because
they ossified or because they grew soft. Either they became
stupid and arrogant, failed to adjust themselves to chang-
ing circumstances, and were overthrown; or they became
liberal and cowardly, made concessions when they should
have used force, and once again were overthrown. They fell,
that is to say, either through consciousness or through un-
consciousness. It is the achievement of the Party to have
produced a system of thought in which both conditions can
exist simultaneously. And upon no other intellectual basis
could the dominion of the Party be made permanent. If one
is to rule, and to continue ruling, one must be able to dis-
locate the sense of reality. For the secret of rulership is to
combine a belief in one’s own infallibility with the Power to
learn from past mistakes.
It need hardly be said that the subtlest practitioners of
DOUBLETHINK are those who invented DOUBLETHINK
and know that it is a vast system of mental cheating. In
our society, those who have the best knowledge of what is
happening are also those who are furthest from seeing the
world as it is. In general, the greater the understanding, the
greater the delusion; the more intelligent, the less sane. One
clear illustration of this is the fact that war hysteria increas-
es in intensity as one rises in the social scale. Those whose
attitude towards the war is most nearly rational are the sub-
1984
ject peoples of the disputed territories. To these people the
war is simply a continuous calamity which sweeps to and
fro over their bodies like a tidal wave. Which side is win-
ning is a matter of complete indifference to them. They are
aware that a change of overlordship means simply that they
will be doing the same work as before for new masters who
treat them in the same manner as the old ones. The slightly
more favoured workers whom we call ‘the proles’ are only
intermittently conscious of the war. When it is necessary
they can be prodded into frenzies of fear and hatred, but
when left to themselves they are capable of forgetting for
long periods that the war is happening. It is in the ranks of
the Party, and above all of the Inner Party, that the true war
enthusiasm is found. World-conquest is believed in most
firmly by those who know it to be impossible. This peculiar
linking-together of opposites—knowledge with ignorance,
cynicism with fanaticism—is one of the chief distinguish-
ing marks of Oceanic society. The official ideology abounds
with contradictions even when there is no practical reason
for them. Thus, the Party rejects and vilifies every principle
for which the Socialist movement originally stood, and it
chooses to do this in the name of Socialism. It preaches a
contempt for the working class unexampled for centuries
past, and it dresses its members in a uniform which was at
one time peculiar to manual workers and was adopted for
that reason. It systematically undermines the solidarity of
the family, and it calls its leader by a name which is a direct
appeal to the sentiment of family loyalty. Even the names of
the four Ministries by which we are governed exhibit a sort
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of impudence in their deliberate reversal of the facts. The
Ministry of Peace concerns itself with war, the Ministry of
Truth with lies, the Ministry of Love with torture and the
Ministry of Plenty with starvation. These contradictions
are not accidental, nor do they result from ordinary hypoc-
risy; they are deliberate exercises in DOUBLETHINK. For
it is only by reconciling contradictions that power can be
retained indefinitely. In no other way could the ancient cy-
cle be broken. If human equality is to be for ever averted—if
the High, as we have called them, are to keep their places
permanently—then the prevailing mental condition must
be controlled insanity.
But there is one question which until this moment we
have almost ignored. It is; WHY should human equality be
averted? Supposing that the mechanics of the process have
been rightly described, what is the motive for this huge,
accurately planned effort to freeze history at a particular
moment of time?
Here we reach the central secret. As we have seen. the
mystique of the Party, and above all of the Inner Party, de-
pends upon DOUBLETHINK But deeper than this lies the
original motive, the never-questioned instinct that first led
to the seizure of power and brought DOUBLETHINK, the
Thought Police, continuous warfare, and all the other nec-
essary paraphernalia into existence afterwards. This motive
really consists...
Winston became aware of silence, as one becomes aware
of a new sound. It seemed to him that Julia had been very
still for some time past. She was lying on her side, na-
1984
4
ked from the waist upwards, with her cheek pillowed on
her hand and one dark lock tumbling across her eyes. Her
breast rose and fell slowly and regularly.
‘Julia.’
No answer.
‘Julia, are you awake?’
No answer. She was asleep. He shut the book, put it care-
fully on the floor, lay down, and pulled the coverlet over
both of them.
He had still, he reflected, not learned the ultimate secret.
He understood HOW; he did not understand WHY. Chap-
ter I, like Chapter III, had not actually told him anything
that he did not know, it had merely systematized the knowl-
edge that he possessed already. But after reading it he knew
better than before that he was not mad. Being in a minority,
even a minority of one, did not make you mad. There was
truth and there was untruth, and if you clung to the truth
even against the whole world, you were not mad. A yellow
beam from the sinking sun slanted in through the window
and fell across the pillow. He shut his eyes. The sun on his
face and the girl’s smooth body touching his own gave him
a strong, sleepy, confident feeling. He was safe, everything
was all right. He fell asleep murmuring ‘Sanity is not sta-
tistical,’ with the feeling that this remark contained in it a
profound wisdom.
*****
When he woke it was with the sensation of having slept
for a long time, but a glance at the old-fashioned clock told
him that it was only twenty-thirty. He lay dozing for a while;
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then the usual deep-lunged singing struck up from the yard
below:
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