State University Press, 1995); Lawrence E. Sullivan, ed.
bridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1997).
Muslim
See i
slam
.
Muslim Brotherhood
(Arabic: al-Ikhwan
al-Muslimun; also known as the Society of
Muslim Brothers)
The first modern city-based Islamist movement
with mass appeal in the Arab world was the
Muslim Brotherhood. Founded in 1928 by h
asan
al
-b
anna
(1909–49), an Egyptian school teacher,
in the Suez Canal Zone city of Ismailiya, it subse-
quently created hundreds of branches and spin-off
organizations throughout e
gypt
, and subsequently
in l
ibya
, p
alestine
, J
ordan
, s
yria
, s
Udan
, y
emen
,
and k
UWait
. It developed close contacts with
Wahhabis in s
aUdi
a
rabia
that continue to the
present day. Splinter groups have arisen elsewhere
in the region, and it served as the basis, directly or
indirectly, from which a number of more radical
Islamic movements have arisen. Today the Muslim
Brotherhood is an especially influential religiopo-
litical force in Egypt, the Sudan, and Jordan.
Egypt was a protectorate of Great Britain
when al-Banna established the Muslim Brother-
hood. At the time there was a limited degree of
Egyptian self-rule under a monarchy and national
legislature, but the people desired complete inde-
pendence from foreign occupation and a more
democratic government. Al-Banna appealed to this
widespread anticolonial sentiment and combined
it with a call for moral renewal in accordance with
an idealized Islam of the Quran and the salaf, the
esteemed first generations of Muslims. He had
been inspired by the teachings of J
amal
al
-d
in
al
-
a
Fghani
(d. 1897), m
Uhammad
a
bdUh
(d. 1905),
and m
Uhammad
r
ashid
r
ida
(d. 1935), leaders in
the modern Islamic reform movement that was
sweeping many Muslim countries. Al-Banna was
particularly troubled by the growing influence
European secular values were having on Egypt’s
Muslim youth and the inability of the tradition-
alist
Ulama
to counteract this influence. He saw
this development as more of a threat than British
military occupation of his country. In the 1930s
another issue in which he developed great interest
was the fate of Palestine under British rule and the
success of the Zionist movement. Al-Banna gave
speeches about these matters in coffeehouses in
Cairo and Ismailiya that attracted large audiences,
from among whom he recruited the first members
of the Muslim Brotherhood.
In addition to educating people about Islam,
the Brotherhood engaged in political activity and
provided social services to the needy. Reflecting
the diverse sources from which he formed his
vision of the Brotherhood’s mission, al-Banna
declared his new organization to be “a Salafiyya
message, a Sunni way, a Sufi truth, a political orga-
nization, an athletic group, a cultural-educational
union, an economic company, and a social idea”
(quoted in Voll, 362). He strove to keep the Broth-
erhood from being associated with ulama and
secular Egyptian political parties. At the time of
al-Banna’s assassination in 1949, its membership
is estimated to have reached 500,000 active mem-
bers, not to mention many more sympathizers and
supporters. After the Free Officers secured Egypt’s
independence in 1953, membership dropped sig-
nificantly, and the organization soon came into
conflict with the new Arab nationalist government
of J
amal
a
bd
al
-n
asir
(r. 1953–70).
The Brotherhood’s success in winning popular
support was in large part due to its leadership
and its ability to promote its message of Islamic
renewal through a tightly knit organizational
structure. It was like a mini-state, headed by a
General Guide (
murshid
), Guidance Council,
and Consultative Assembly. This governing body
worked through a network of units charged with
technical operations and coordination of activi-
ties at the local level. The operational units were
concerned with teaching and outreach (
daawa
)
to students, professionals, labor, peasants, and
the wider
umma
, or Muslim community. It also
had committees charged with financial oversight,
provision of legal and social services, issuance of
legal opinions (sing.
fatwa
), and policymaking. A
section for women, known as the Muslim Sisters,
K 506
Muslim
was established in the 1940s, although this was
not as successful as the Brotherhood in recruiting
members. An independent Syrian branch of the
Brotherhood was created in the 1930s by Mustafa
al-Sibai (1915–64), a Syrian who had studied
in Egypt and met al-Banna. Egyptian members
had visited Palestine and Transjordan during
the 1930s, but the first independent Jordanian
branch did not officially open until 1946, headed
by Abd al-Latif Qurah (d. 1953), a Jordanian.
In 1948 the Brotherhood recruited volunteers
to fight in Palestine against the Israelis, reflect-
ing their concern for pan-Arab causes. Sudanese
who had studied in Cairo established the first
branches in the Sudan in the late 1940s, but the
official headquarters of the Sudanese Muslim
Brotherhood did not open until 1954. Perhaps the
most prominent leader to arise from this branch
was Hasan al-Turabi (b. 1932), who had joined
the Brotherhood as a student and rose to promi-
nence in the organization in the 1960s and 1970s.
He became the chief ideologist of the Sudanese
National Islamic Front, the Brotherhood’s politi-
cal party, in the 1980s.
From the beginning, the Brotherhood made
effective use of the print media to spread its mes-
sage. In Egypt it launched several periodicals in
the 1930s, then took over al-Manar (Lighthouse),
the Islamic reformist magazine, when its chief
editor Rashid Rida died in 1935. In 1942 it began
publishing a weekly magazine called al-Ikhwan
al-Muslimin, which was replaced by a daily news-
paper of the same name in 1946. This publica-
tion was shut down when the Brotherhood was
banned by the government in 1948. From 1951
to 1956 it published al-Daawa magazine, which
was also banned, but allowed to resume in 1976,
until banned again by the government in 1981.
Since the 1980s the Brotherhood has published a
weekly periodical known as Liwa al-Islam (Banner
of Islam), and it has also been able to disseminate
its ideology through numerous books and other
oppositional newspapers, even when its official
publications have been banned.
In a development that proved to be a significant
one with respect to its status in the eyes of Egyp-
tian authorities, the Brotherhood formed a
Jihad
unit (known as the “secret apparatus”) designed
to defend the organization against police crack-
downs and to attack the British during World War
II. After the war it conducted a campaign of terror
that included attacks on the British, government
officials, popular cinemas, and Egyptian Jews. This
cycle of violence culminated with the assassina-
tion of Egypt’s prime minister, al-Nuqrashi Pasha,
in 1948, followed by the government’s retaliatory
assassination of al-Banna in 1949. The jihad unit
was also implicated in an attempt on the life of
President Nasir in 1954, which resulted in wide-
spread arrests and executions of key members of
the Brotherhood. One of those imprisoned at this
time was s
ayyid
q
Utb
(1906–66), a former literary
critic and recent Muslim Brotherhood convert,
whose experience and torture in prison shaped his
vision of a united Islamic struggle against modern
idolatry
and corruption. Two of the major works
he wrote at this time were a multivolume Quran
commentary and Maalim fi’l-tariq (Milestones). He
became the foremost ideologist of the Brotherhood
after al-Banna’s death, and his ideas have inspired
numerous new radical Islamist movements since
the 1970s in many Muslim countries.
A great resurgence of i
slamism
swept through
Middle Eastern lands when many of the newly
independent national regimes were unable to
meet the expectations of their people and turned
to secular authoritarianism to stay in power.
Democratic impulses that had emerged earlier in
the 20th century were stifled. The defeat of Arab
armies in the 1967 Arab-Israeli war in particular
served as a catalyst for the popular turn to religion.
Egyptian president a
nWar
al
-s
adat
(r. 1970–81),
Nasir’s successor, took advantage of this religious
turn to consolidate his power against Nasirite
loyalists and leftists, releasing members of the
Brotherhood from prison and allowing Islamic
student groups to become active on university
campuses. Although the leadership of the Muslim
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