Encyclopedia of Islam



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Gulf Wars


With the air campaign well under way, a 

ground attack, known as Desert Saber, was 

launched from Saudi Arabia into Kuwait and 

southern Iraq on February 24. Iraqi troops were 

quickly overcome and driven out of Kuwait in less 

than six days, and on March 3, 1991, Iraq agreed 

to a cease-fire and to abide by previous UN resolu-

tions. President George H. W. Bush (r. 1988–93) 

and his advisers agreed not to try to advance to 

b

aghdad



 and overthrow Saddam Husayn because 

of the tremendous costs in life and resources 

this would involve. Instead, on April 3, the UN 

Security Council passed Resolution 687, which 

set terms for a permanent cease-fire and required 

Iraq to allow on-site inspections for weapons of 

mass destruction, renounce terrorism, and pay 

reparations from its oil revenues. The coalition 

withdrew its forces from southern Iraq, but later, 

in 1992–93, the United States and Great Britain 

created zones in the airspace over the northern 

and southern thirds of the country where Iraqi 

military aircraft were not allowed to fly (known as 

no-fly zones). These were to protect the Kurds, an 

ethnic group in northern Iraq, and the Shia from 

Husayn’s forces, but they also gave the United 

States and Britain the ability to strike at his forces 

whenever necessary.

The religious dimensions of this war were 

complex. Many Muslim authorities and Islamic 

activist groups quickly reacted to the invasion of 

Kuwait by condemning Husayn and Iraq. e

gypt



s



yria

, and Saudi Arabia joined the U.S.-led coali-

tion. Although some Islamic leaders favored using 

non-Muslim troops to protect Saudi Arabia and 

expel Iraq from Kuwait, most leading voices advo-

cated letting Muslim countries resolve the conflict 

among themselves. Also, some Islamist groups 

objected that the stationing of non-Muslim troops 

in Saudi Arabia would profane the holy cities of 

m

ecca



 and m

edina


, and many were suspicious 

of American and Israeli hegemonic designs on 

the region. Saddam Husayn himself appealed to 

the support of Muslims on such grounds, even 

though many in the region regarded him as a 

religious hypocrite and disbeliever. In an effort to 

enhance his Islamist credentials, Husayn added 

the religious phrase Allah akbar (God is greatest) 

to the Iraqi flag.

The  m


Uslim

  b


rotherhood

 in Egypt and its 

counterpart in p

akistan


, the J

amaat


-

i

 i



slami

, joined 

those who first condemned Saddam Husayn’s 

actions, but as the war progressed, they voiced 

their opposition to the coalition force, fearing that 

it secretly wanted to recolonize Muslim lands. 

Many North African Muslim leaders held similar 

views. Public opinion in J

ordan

 was strongly 



pro-Iraqi, and the Muslim Brotherhood effectively 

mobilized to win seats in parliament and in King 

Husayn ibn Talal’s (r. 1950–99) cabinet. Iran’s Shii 

revolutionary government opposed both Saddam 

Husayn’s invasion of Kuwait and the dispatching 

of American troops to the region, even going so 

far as to call for a 

Jihad


 against the United States. 

They proceeded to finalize a cease-fire with Iraq 

and offered sanctuary to Iraq’s air force so that it 

would not be destroyed.

The response of Iraqi Shia to the war was espe-

cially noteworthy. Shii opposition groups such as 

the Supreme Council for Islamic Revolution in 

Iraq (SCIRI) and the Daawa Party, which had been 

forced into exile by Husayn’s government, hoped 

that the regime would fall, but they did not want 

to see their country destroyed by a full-scale war. 

They also began to favor the creation of a more 

democratic government. Shii leaders joined lead-

ers of secular Iraqi opposition groups in calling for 

a popular uprising against Husayn during the war. 

When it was evident that Iraq would be defeated, 

these calls intensified. Further incitement for a 

rebellion was provided by President Bush on Feb-

ruary 15, 1991, when he called on “the Iraqi mili-

tary and the Iraqi people to take matters into their 

own hands” (Sifry and Cerf, 96). Their rebellion 

actually started during the first week in March in 

southern Iraq, quickly spreading to Kurdish areas 

in the north. It included disaffected members 

of the regular armed forces as well as civilians. 

However, when it became evident that the United 




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