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URL: http://www.nytimes.com SUBJECT: ARTISTS & PERFORMERS (90%); ART & ARTISTS (89%); THEATER & DRAMA (89%); DANCE (78%); DRAMA LITERATURE (78%); BIOLOGY (78%); FILM (78%); HISTORY (78%); PHOTOGRAPHY (78%); VISUAL & PERFORMING ARTS (78%); ISLANDS & REEFS (63%); NASCAR RACING (63%); BIODIVERSITY (63%); THEATER (58%); KNITTING & CROCHETING (60%) PERSON: MICHAEL MCMAHON (55%) GEOGRAPHIC: NEW YORK, NY, USA (79%) NEW YORK, USA (79%) UNITED STATES (79%) LOAD-DATE: April 5, 2008 LANGUAGE: ENGLISH CORRECTION-DATE: April 5, 2008 CORRECTION: A Spare Times listing on Friday about the New York Tartan Day Parade on Saturday, on Avenue of the Americas, misstated the starting time and place. The parade starts at 2 p.m., not 11 a.m. , and begins at 46th Street, not 44th Street. A Spare Times listing on Friday about Staten Island Historical Society events at Historic Richmond Town gave information for an event that was not described. The prices of $15, and $12 for members, are for the Tavern Concerts held on Saturday evenings; the telephone number is (718) 351-1611, extension 280. DOCUMENT-TYPE: Schedule PUBLICATION-TYPE: Newspaper Copyright 2008 The New York Times Company 908 of 1231 DOCUMENTS The New York Times
Late Edition - Final In Rapper's $150 Million Deal, New Model for Ailing Business BYLINE: By JEFF LEEDS SECTION: Section A; Column 0; The Arts/Cultural Desk; Pg. 1 LENGTH: 1212 words DATELINE: LOS ANGELES In a move that reflects the anarchy sweeping the music business, the superstar rapper Jay-Z, who released his latest album to lukewarm sales five months ago, is on the verge of closing a deal with a concert promoter that rivals the biggest music contracts ever awarded. Jay-Z plans to depart his longtime record label, Def Jam, for a roughly $150 million package with the concert giant Live Nation that includes financing for his own entertainment venture, in addition to recordings and tours for the next decade. The pact, expected to be finalized this week, is the most expansive deal yet from Live Nation, which has angled to compete directly with the industry's established music labels in a scrum over the rights to distribute recordings, sell concert tickets, market merchandise and control other aspects of artists' careers. As CD sales plunge, an array of players -- including record labels, promoters and advertisers -- are racing to secure deals that cut them in on a larger share of an artist's overall revenue. Live Nation has already struck less comprehensive pacts with Madonna and U2. In Jay-Z, Live Nation has lined up with a longtime star who, after toiling as a self-described hustler on the streets of Brooklyn, earned acclaim as a rapper and cachet as a mogul. Live Nation's core business has revolved around major rock and country tours, and with Jay-Z it is making an unexpected foray into hip-hop. The company is also placing an enormous wager on a performer who, like many others, has experienced declining record sales. (Last year's ''American Gangster'' sold one million copies in the United States; ''The Black Album,'' from 2003, sold well over three million.) But the arrangement would also position Live Nation to participate in a range of new deals with Jay-Z, one of music's most entrepreneurial stars, whose past ventures have included the Rocawear clothing line, which he sold last year for $204 million, and the chain of 40/40 nightclubs. Jay-Z, 38, whose real name is Shawn Carter, owes one more studio album to Def Jam, where he was president for three years before stepping down in December after he and the label's corporate parent, Universal Music Group, could not agree on a more lucrative contract. His first undertaking with Live Nation is his current 28-date tour with Mary J. Blige, his biggest live outing in more than three years. After that, Live Nation envisions integrating the marketing of all Jay-Z's entertainment endeavors, including recordings, tours and endorsements. ''I've turned into the Rolling Stones of hip-hop,'' Jay-Z said in a recent telephone interview. The deal answers a question that had been circling through the rap world for months: Where would Jay-Z take his next corporate role? As part of the arrangement, Live Nation would finance the start-up of a venture that would be an umbrella for his outside projects, which are expected to include his own label, music publishing, and talent consulting and managing. Live Nation is expected to contribute $5 million a year in overhead for five years, with another $25 million available to finance Jay-Z's acquisitions or investments, according to people in the music industry briefed on the agreement. The venture, to be called Roc Nation, will split profits with Live Nation. The overall package for Jay-Z also includes an upfront payment of $25 million, a general advance of $25 million that includes fees for his current tour, and advance payment of $10 million an album for a minimum of three albums during the deal's 10-year term, these people said. A series of other payments adding up to about $20 million is included in exchange for certain publishing, licensing and other rights. Jay-Z said Live Nation's consolidated approach was in sync with the emerging potential ''to reach the consumer in so many different ways right now.'' He added: ''Everyone's trying to figure it out. I want to be on the front lines in that fight.'' The popularity of music downloads has revolutionized how music is consumed, and widespread piracy has contributed to an industry meltdown in which traditional album sales -- composed mostly of the two-decades-old CD format -- have slumped by more than a third since 2000. (The best seller in 2007, Josh Groban's ''Noel,'' sold 3.7 million copies, compared with 9.9 million for the top album in 2000, according to Nielsen SoundScan.) That has further pressured record-label executives to rewrite the economics of their business and step beyond the sale of albums in an attempt to wring revenue out of everything from ring tones to artist fan clubs. Jay-Z said that his future as an artist could involve elevating the role of live performances, long a mixed bag even for popular rap acts. ''In a way I want to operate like an indie band,'' he said. ''Play the music on tour instead of relying on radio. Hopefully we'll get some hits out of there and radio will pick it up, but we won't make it with that in mind.'' Though sales for Jay-Z's tour with Ms. Blige have been strong since it began on March 22, with almost all the early dates resulting in sold-out arenas, it is unclear when Live Nation could carry out other aspects of the deal. (Jay-Z said that he hoped to deliver his final album for Def Jam later this year.) Critics of Live Nation, which lost nearly $12 million last year, predict that it would be difficult to turn a profit on the arrangement, given the continuing decline in record sales and the mixed track record of artist-run ventures. Shares in the company have suffered since October when Live Nation negotiated a reported $120 million deal with Madonna. Michael Cohl, Live Nation's chairman, said he was not worried. Though he declined to discuss terms of the Jay-Z arrangement, he said it did not require an increase in record sales to be profitable. ''He could be doing more tours and doing great,'' Mr. Cohl said. ''There could be endorsements and sponsorships.'' He added, ''The whole is what's important.'' He cited Jay-Z's forays into a host of other businesses as a model for Live Nation. ''What he's done has kind of mirrored what we want to do and where we think we're going.'' Some executives at major record labels have privately portrayed Live Nation's artist deals as overly expensive retirement packages for stars past their prime. Others disagree. ''I'd much rather be in the business of marketing a superstar who cost me a lot of money than taking the 1-in-10, demonstrably failing crapshoot'' of signing unknown talents, said Jeffrey Light, a Los Angeles entertainment attorney, referring to the traditional record company model. But the dimensions of the competition could change if Live Nation begins vying for the same emerging artists that the labels hope to sign. Live Nation is negotiating with a Georgia rock act, the Zac Brown Band, after apparently wooing it away from an offer by Atlantic Records, according to music executives briefed on the talks. Jay-Z, for his part, suggested that the string of stars to exit the major-label system would also signal to younger acts how to plot their careers. He said that rising artists will be thinking: '' 'Something must be happening. Madonna did it, she's not slow. Jay-Z, he's not slow either.' ''
Copyright 2008 The New York Times Company 909 of 1231 DOCUMENTS The New York Times
The New York Times on the Web The Politics of the Shoe Shine BYLINE: By ROGER COHEN SECTION: Section ; Column 0; Editorial Desk; OP-ED COLUMNIST; Pg. LENGTH: 803 words Broadly speaking, there are two kinds of societies: those where you can get a shoe shine and those where you can't. France falls into the latter category. Search Paris high and low for a seat to kick back and se faire cirer les bottes: you'll search in vain. There's something about the idea of having someone stooped at the feet of a client applying polish to his or her boots that rubs the Gallic egalitarian spirit the wrong way. It's just not what 1789 was about. In the United States, of course, it's a different story. Unlike humor, which is in short supply, or banned, a shoe shine is freely available at U.S. airports. Walk a few Manhattan or Chicago blocks and someone will be there to make your shoes gleam. There's something about having someone applying polish to a blithe client's boots that comforts American notions of free enterprise, make-a-buck opportunism, and the survival of the fittest. But free enterprise is a little suspect in Europe. The continent prefers free-ish enterprise. Germany is much like France in its resistance to the shoe shine. That makes 145 million Europeans or so, spread from Bordeaux to Berlin, with scant access to this particular micro-service. Odd when you think about it. Or perhaps not, for the shoe-shine rule goes something like this: if you can't find one, you are probably in a society with a developed sense of egalitarianism and social solidarity, high taxation, a broad safety net, universal health care, extensive entitlements and high unemployment. Read a European society like France or Germany. If you can, you're probably in a place with low unemployment and little of the above social security, a place where capitalism is crueler and more vital, a place not unlike America. What I find interesting right now is that no-shine countries are taking a hard look at the state-heavy system that created societies where the incentive to take a job like polishing shoes was low to nonexistent, while shine-rife nations are asking if unfettered capitalism's hidden hand might not need a little more state guidance. Call it a rare case of trans-Atlantic convergence. The Sarkozy revolution in France, of still uncertain outcome, was essentially about the French realization that a country where it was often more profitable not to work than to work was a country with a problem. It was about the admission that the pursuit of a 35-hour week, as the Chinese and Indians strive for a 35-hour day, was suicidal. It was about looking at facts and trashing taboos, not least one that made praise of U.S. business punishable by (political) death. President Nicolas Sarkozy and his finance minister, Christine Lagarde, have had the courage to say that tax cuts, the curtailment of unemployment benefits and other entitlements, later retirement and incentives for those working more than 35 hours are essential to usher France from the Big Sleep of the Mitterrand-Chirac years. Like other European countries that have beaten high unemployment, including Sweden, France is waking up to the fact that good education is a better way to cut income inequality than high taxes. France has been a country where an entrepreneur ready to shine shoes would have been taxed out of existence before polish hit leather. In the United States, rethinking is moving the other way. President Bush has pushed for an America of ''low taxes, weak government and strong religion,'' in the words of David Schulz, an attorney. That's been the culmination of a 40-year period in which Republican administrations have governed for all but 12 years. No wonder the country is skewed. What you get over time is collapsing bridges in Minneapolis, decaying infrastructure, massive national debt, rising inequality, a derisory dollar and the unregulated financial markets that have produced the current mayhem all ''under God,'' it is true, but scarcely more lovely for that. Even the Bush administration, trying to trump yet another Democratic election card, is now proposing more oversight for financial markets. But only the Democrats have the courage to say that more government and more equitable taxation are needed if you're serious about better schools, new infrastructure, health care and minimum social cohesion. It's past time the balance swung back from Republican excess. So, do I prefer shoe-shine or no-shine societies? I favor the former because they give freer rein to the human spirit, but of course I'd like some attributes of the shine-free world, especially universal health care. That's doable while avoiding the entitlement-excess that sent France into its protracted doze. If convergence goes far enough, look for shoe shines in France (as long as polisher and client are placed at the same eye level), and a tax on your U.S. shine. I'll believe it when I see it. URL: http://www.nytimes.com SUBJECT: EDITORIALS & OPINIONS (90%); POLITICS (82%); AIRPORTS (69%); UNEMPLOYMENT RATES (68%); TAXES & TAXATION (66%); PUBLIC FINANCE AGENCIES & TREASURIES (64%) PERSON: NICOLAS SARKOZY (50%); CHRISTINE LAGARDE (50%); MICHAEL MCMAHON (53%) GEOGRAPHIC: PARIS, FRANCE (88%); BERLIN, GERMANY (79%); NEW YORK, NY, USA (71%) NEW YORK, USA (71%) FRANCE (94%); UNITED STATES (93%); EUROPE (92%); GERMANY (90%) LOAD-DATE: April 3, 2008 LANGUAGE: ENGLISH DOCUMENT-TYPE: Op-Ed PUBLICATION-TYPE: Newspaper Copyright 2008 The New York Times Company 910 of 1231 DOCUMENTS The New York Times
Late Edition - Final Taking an Outsider's Viewpoint BYLINE: By MICKEY MEECE SECTION: Section C; Column 0; Business/Financial Desk; Pg. 4 LENGTH: 175 words Glenn Okun, clinical professor of management and entrepreneurship at Stern School of Business at New York University, says that owners should view their business as if they were a prospective outside investor. He outlines six steps to a thorough analysis of a venture: Assess the attractive, or opportune, elements of the venture. Identify the risks of the business. Select the most attractive opportunities to pursue. Decide which risks must be dealt with, given the likelihood of their threat and the extent of their impact. Determine the resources that will be required to exploit the opportunities and manage the risks. Estimate the value that will be created through the expenditure of resources. Plans that result in incremental shareholder value should be considered.
MICKEY MEECE URL: http://www.nytimes.com SUBJECT: ENTREPRENEURSHIP (91%); RISK MANAGEMENT (88%); COLLEGE & UNIVERSITY PROFESSORS (88%); BUSINESS EDUCATION (90%) LOAD-DATE: April 3, 2008 LANGUAGE: ENGLISH PUBLICATION-TYPE: Newspaper Copyright 2008 The New York Times Company 911 of 1231 DOCUMENTS The New York Times
Late Edition - Final A Not-So-Fine Romance BYLINE: By NICHOLAS D. KRISTOF SECTION: Section A; Column 0; Editorial Desk; OP-ED COLUMNIST; Pg. 27 LENGTH: 825 words In the aftermath of the Tibet upheavals, the complicated romance between America and China is degenerating into mutual recriminations, muttering about Olympic boycotts and tensions that are likely to rise through the summer. It would be convenient if we could simply denounce the crackdown in Tibet as the unpopular action of a dictatorial government. But it wasn't. It was the popular action of a dictatorial government, and many ordinary Chinese think the government acted too wimpishly, showing far too much restraint toward ''thugs'' and ''rioters.'' China and the U.S. clash partly because of competing interests, but mostly because of competing narratives. To Americans, Tibet fits neatly into a framework of human rights and colonialism. To Chinese, steeped in education of 150 years of ''guochi,'' or national humiliations by foreigners, the current episode is one more effort by imperialistic and condescending foreigners to tear China apart or hold it back. So what do we do? A boycott of the Olympic Games themselves is a nonstarter. House Speaker Nancy Pelosi has raised the possibility of a boycott of the opening ceremony, and that is plausible. The best answer is: Postpone the decision until the last minute so as to extort every last ounce of good behavior possible out of the Chinese government -- on Darfur as well as Tibet. But at the end of the day, if there have been no further abuses, President Bush should attend -- for staying away would only inflame Chinese nationalism and make Beijing more obdurate. If President Bush attends the ceremonies, however, he should balance that with a day trip to a Tibetan area. Such a visit would underscore American concern, even if the Chinese trot out fake monks to express fake contentment with fake freedom. President Bush and other Western leaders should also continue to consult with the Dalai Lama, even though this infuriates Beijing. The Dalai Lama is the last, best hope for reaching an agreement that would resolve the dispute over Tibet forever. He accepts autonomy, rather than independence, and he has the moral authority to persuade Tibetans to accept a deal. The outlines of an agreement would be simple. The Dalai Lama would return to Tibet as a spiritual leader, and Tibetans would be permitted to possess his picture and revere him, while he would unequivocally accept Chinese sovereignty. Monasteries would have much greater religious freedom, and Han Chinese migration to Tibet would be limited. The Dalai Lama would also accept that the Tibetan region encompasses only what is now labeled Tibet on the maps, not the much larger region of historic Tibet that he has continued to claim. With such an arrangement, China could resolve the problem of Tibet, improve its international image, reassure Taiwan and rectify a 50-year-old policy of repression that has catastrophically failed. But don't hold your breath. Instead, President Hu Jintao -- who made his reputation by crushing protests in Tibet in 1989 -- will make up for failed policy within Tibet by trying to stir up Chinese nationalist resentments at nosy foreigners. America and China get on each other's nerves partly because they are so similar. Both are big, self-absorbed, and insular nations; both are entrepreneurial overachievers; both are infused with nationalism and yet tread clumsily on the nationalism of others -- whether in Vietnam or Iraq, or Tibet and the Muslim region of Xinjiang. Both the United States and China also hurt themselves by petulantly refusing to engage leaders they don't like. The U.S. shrinks from talking with Iranian and Cuban leaders, and China refuses to negotiate directly with the Dalai Lama, whom it recently denounced as ''a jackal wrapped in a habit, a monster with human face and animal's heart.'' That refusal to talk is stunningly foolish. Nearly every Tibetan I've ever spoken to in Tibet, Qinghai, Sichuan or Gansu has been loyal to the Dalai Lama -- except those who think he's too gentle and accommodating toward China. After the Dalai Lama dies, there will be no one to hold Tibetans back, and more militant organizers in the Tibetan Youth Congress and other organizations will turn to violence, and perhaps terrorism. The only other Tibetan who could fill that vacuum is the Panchen Lama, the No. 2 Tibetan leader, who turns 19 later this month. But the Chinese government kidnapped the Panchen Lama when he was 6 years old and apparently has kept him under house arrest ever since. Americans sometimes think that the Tibetan resentments are just about political and religious freedom. They're much more complicated than that. Tibetan anger is also fueled by the success of Han Chinese shop owners, who are often better educated and more entrepreneurial. So Tibetans seek solace in monasteries or bars, and the economic gap widens and provokes even more frustration -- which the spotlight of the Olympics gives them a chance to express.
Copyright 2008 The New York Times Company 912 of 1231 DOCUMENTS The New York Times
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