What our authors say
This essay collection brings together a broad range of different perspectives, some of them differing,
to try and help broaden the understanding of what is happening in Uzbekistan.
Yuliy Yusupov examines how, from 1996 onwards, the Government of Uzbekistan set a course for
strengthening state interference in the economy and implementing import substitution policy. The
results have been very poor. However, since 2017 the country has started significant reforms. Much
has been done over this time, but more changes are still to come. The essay covers the
achievements, problems of implementation and perspectives of reforms. Currently, the emphasis is
placed on foreign economic activity, the banking sector, the tax system, the legal regulation of
business, the agricultural sector, and administrative reform.
Kate Mallinson explores President Shavkat Mirziyoyev’s reformist ambition and its impacts on the
investment climate in Uzbekistan. She writes that Uzbekistan’s government has set on a clear path
of liberalising the economy and improving the business environment, including removing currency
controls, liberalising exchange rates and relaxing visa regulations. However, the next phase of the
programme including breaking up the monopolies, privatisation and capital markets reform, is more
challenging and now coincides with the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic and the collapse in energy
prices, which will result in reduced investment capital, increased debt and a more complicated
foreign business environment.
Professor Kristian Lasslett writes on the complex legacy of corruption left by Uzbekistan’s first post-
soviet President, Islam Karimov, who passed away in 2016. Uzbekistan did not suffer serious political
upheaval on his death. However, an increasingly secretive and coercive authoritarian state groomed
a political economy that favoured select networks of security chiefs, politicians, mandarins,
businessmen, and organised crime figures, who built personal alliances, and leveraged unchecked
state power, to administer rackets and protect economic territory. Karimov’s successor Shavkat
Mirziyoyev has attempted to distinguish his Presidency through a programme of governance reforms
and market liberalisation measures that tackle some, but not all, of these legacies. This essay
examines how heavily the legacies of grand corruption and kleptocracy weigh on the present,
looking at investigative data sets from the Mirziyoyev era. It also considers how these dynamics will
mediate the reform trajectories currently under way.
Navbahor Imamova writes that Uzbekistan simply cannot develop without the contributions of
Uzbek professionals around the world. The good news is that they are increasingly interested and
willing to return, and then work in the public and private sectors, as well as in non-governmental
256
BBC Uzbek, Sardoba tragedy: Has the allocated aid money become "familiar"?, June 2020, https://www.bbc.com/uzbek/uzbekistan-
53020042 and Mehribon Bekieva, Andijan farmers who did not transfer money to liquidate the consequences of emergencies in the
Syrdarya region are threatened with land acquisition, Ozodlik, June 2020, https://rus.ozodlik.org/a/30687634.html
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institutions. Others are committed to supporting reforms from their current homes overseas. They,
too, want to support Uzbekistan by leveraging their social and professional networks and lending
their expertise but Tashkent has not systematised its approach to talent recruitment, retention, and
placement. Instead, the government is relying on its embassies to find the right talent and connect
them with the relevant entities but this is all being done in an ad hoc, informal, and often haphazard
way. Not surprisingly, the approach has not been effective. What Uzbekistan needs now is a
transparent, fair, and professional recruitment system, specifically tasked to hire from abroad.
Dilmira Matyakubova’s paper examines the rebranding policies of the government of Uzbekistan by
remodelling the architecture of the cities. It argues that the urban redevelopment process is creating
social and increasingly political problems as it involves forced evictions without adequate
compensation or resettlement. It is becoming a major source for resistance and social unrest among
the population, who commit desperate actions in protesting the home demolitions and evictions.
The urban transformation actions are also yielding irreversible changes in the environment
surrounding historically important sites turning them into Disney-like amusement parks. The paper
argues that building glittering, soaring, pretentious cities will not improve the country’s reputation.
The nation branding agenda cannot be achieved without enhancing and ensuring human rights
protection, independence of the judiciary, transparency, good governance and an open dialogue
with people.
Nikita Makarenko discusses the moves being taken to promote freedom of speech and media in
Uzbekistan. Despite a few challenges such as self-censorship, lack of qualified human resources and
pressure in the courts, the situation is improving. Online media is growing and bloggers are on the
rise. The media is successfully united to combat the pandemic; however, the future is uncertain with
a possible economic crisis on the horizon.
Dilmurad Yusupov examines the challenges that grassroots activists and self-initiative NGOs are still
facing in Uzbekistan despite the strong political will of President Mirziyoyev to strengthen the role of
civil society in the process of democratic development of the country. While giving credit where
credit is due, he argues that unlike government-organised NGOs, bottom-up groups are struggling to
get registered and the whole process of administrative procedures is designed to frustrate and
discourage. Besides red tape, registered NGOs are suffocating due to burdensome reporting and the
demand for advance approval requirements for the day-to-day activities. On top of limited local
financial resources and weak organisational capacities, Uzbek NGOs are limited in foreign funding.
Practical recommendations are provided on how to allow the third sector a breath freely by erasing
stereotypes, prejudice and negative attitudes towards NGOs in Uzbekistan.
Lynn Schweisfurth writes on how Uzbekistan’s cotton sector has long been associated with child and
forced labour, making it unattractive to global buyers bound by ethical commitments in their codes
of conduct. Since coming to power in 2016, President Mirziyoyev has embarked on a reform process
that has invested enormous efforts in eradicating forced labour in order to win back the trust of
brands and retailers. Through the privatisation of the sector and the creation of ‘clusters’ intended
to unite production, processing and manufacturing, the government hopes to entice brands to start
sourcing Uzbek cotton again. But the question still remains on whether it will be enough.
Steve Swerdlow writes that four years since the death of Islam Karimov, whose ruthless 27-year reign
(1989-2016) in Uzbekistan became synonymous with the worst forms of repression, torture, and
political imprisonment his successor President Shavkat Mirziyoyev has taken several decisive steps to
address some of Karimov’s worst human rights abuses. However, the past, left unexamined, can take
revenge on well-intentioned reforms. Swerdlow argues the government should fully rehabilitate
political prisoners as well as victims of other serious human rights abuses. It should commit to a
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meaningful process of reckoning with the past and of transitional justice: judicial and non-judicial
measures focused on truth and reconciliation as well as on justice and accountability to acknowledge
the legacy of widespread human rights abuses under Karimov. The essay sets out a number of ways
in which this might be achieved, providing a roadmap for transitional justice in Uzbekistan.
Nadejda Atayeva gives a critical analysis of both of the horrific cases of human rights abuse under
Karimov and also of the recent developments under Mirziyoyev. She makes the case that
independent activists still face political pressure, that political prisoners and their families who have
been released in recent years still face discrimination and that those in the exiled human rights
community still face abuse by the authorities.
Uzbek human rights activists, writing anonymously, share their concerns about the series of factors
in the wake of the COVID-19 and Sardoba dam crises that may lead to future social unrest in
Uzbekistan including increasing economic anxiety, issues in the disaster response and limits on
freedom of speech.
Eldor Tulyakov provides a comprehensive account of the legislative and administrative actions taken
by the Government in response to the COVID-19 pandemic. This includes detailed information by all
the different sectors of economy and society. He argues that overall the Government’s response to
the crisis has been effective in stabilising the economy and society while controlling the virus.
Dr Luca Anceschi and Dr Vladimir Paramonov write that the evolution of Uzbekistan’s relations with
China and Russia since the accession to power of Shavkat Mirziyoyev. Its argument highlights the
continuity sitting at the core of these relationships, showing how Uzbekistan is pursuing
equidistance when it comes to the great powers, a policy that, ultimately, was perfected during the
long Karimov era.
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2. Economic reforms in Uzbekistan: Achievements,
problems, perspectives
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