chargé d’affaires, wearing an olive raincoat, got out of a black Volga. We
were all waiting for someone, and we all knew who it was. Finally, in a
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long cavalcade of cars came President Heidar Aliev. Tall and gaunt, he
emerged from his car and moved down the line of ambassadors, shak
ing hands. Wherever he stepped, a small reverential space opened up
around him, which somehow emphasized his loneliness. Preceded by
soldiers carrying an enormous red wreath, Aliev walked down the long
alley toward the eternal flame at its far end. The brass band struck up
martial music.
The crowd was allowed to follow and was funneled slowly down
the alley. We walked past the tombs of the victims of 20 January 1990,
the Karabakh war. Portraits of the dead are carved on the tombs. In the
main, they are young boys in camouflage fatigues or in open-necked
shirts and striped blue-and-white sailor’s shirts. People stopped to lay
their carnations.
The ceremony felt empty of emotion until one moment. A woman
wearing a head scarf suddenly veered away from the crowd and
banged her palms against the memorial of a man, pressed her body flat
against the tomb, and started keening with grief. The lamentation was
almost a song, “Ai-ai-ai,” coming from a deep well of pain. Was this the
tomb of her husband? The date of birth shown was 1933, and she
seemed about the same age. A woman in her forties in a white raincoat
—her daughter, I imagined—came up behind the widow and silently
held her by the shoulders to contain this paroxysm of emotion. The
woman’s private grief had broken through the public façade of the cer
emony. People moved on more slowly, exchanging sympathetic glances
and muttering softly to one another.
Baku, a city of a million people, is the capital of Azerbaijan and its seat
of power, but only recently has it become an identifiably Azerbaijani
city. For most of the past hundred years to be from Baku is to have a
distinctive nationality of one’s own. Garry Kasparov, the world chess
champion, born here of a Jewish father and an Armenian mother,
when asked his nationality, used the Russian word Bakinets or Baku
vian. The city’s lingua franca is still just as much Russian as Azeri, spo
ken with a gentle southern lilt that rises in intonation at the end of a
sentence.
The city’s cosmopolitan outlook and style sprang from a late-nine
teenth-century oil boom. At its peak, Baku was producing half the
world’s petroleum output and drew immigrants of dozens of national
ities to service the new industry. The city’s most famous rags-to-riches
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tale is that of Zeinal Abdin Tagiev. After a “gusher” of oil was found
on his land, this illiterate Muslim farmer grew fabulously rich and
went on to become the town’s most famous patron and philanthropist,
funding the performance of the “first opera in the Muslim world,”
Leila and Majnun.
Powered by this mercantile spirit, Baku became, in 1918, the capital
of the short-lived “first Muslim democratic republic in the world,”
which legalized votes for women before the United Kingdom did. Here
it was possible to be both Muslim and modern—although sometimes
the transition required some agility. The classic Baku Muslim is Ali
Khan, the hero of the novel Ali and Nino. He is proud of his Persian an
cestry but also revels in the technology and progressive politics of Baku
and marries his Georgian childhood sweetheart. Though he is a twenti
eth-century man, Ali still feels pain when his Christian Georgian wife,
Nino, moves all the carpets out of his house in the Old Town to make
way for European furniture.
Baku’s rich blend of peoples and politics flowed into its architec
ture. From the narrow Middle Eastern alleys of the Old Town, one steps
into a small Prague, built at the turn of the last century. The main street
running through the center of the city, now called Istiqlalyat or “Inde
pendence” after a flurry of name changes, is a confection of different
façades: a mock Venetian palace is followed by the grand Gothic porch
of the City Hall. And style is still important in this city. It is hard to be
lieve that people’s standard of living has plummeted since independ
ence as they perform the passegiata along the boulevard by the Caspian
Sea every evening, arm-in-arm, well made up, and dressed in Italian
suits and Benetton tops.
Yet the dynamism carries a cost: Baku is also famous as the city of
ethnic strife and violent massacres. The worst outbreaks of bloodletting
occurred when the Russian Empire was at its weakest and the Armen
ian and Azerbaijani communities each identified the other as a threat. If
Armenians feared Azerbaijanis as the vanguard of the Turkish army,
then Azerbaijanis suspected the Armenians were a potential Russian
“fifth column.” In February 1905, the so-called Tatar-Armenian War
claimed hundreds of lives. The British writer J. D. Henry, describing the
city a few months later, found that “the people of Baku lived on a hid-
den volcano of race plots, labour tyranny, political conspiracy and rev
olutionary propaganda.”
2
In the title of Henry’s book, they were fated
to have an “eventful history.”
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Following the October Revolution, another inferno of violence en
gulfed the city. “When one speaks of the streets of a town running with
blood,” said one British political officer, “one is generally employing a
figure of speech. But if one is referring to Baku between 1917 and 1919,
one is being starkly literal.”
3
A group of mainly Armenian commissars
took over the city and formed the Baku Commune, a small Bolshevik
bridgehead in an otherwise anti-Bolshevik Caucasus. When in March
1918 Azerbaijanis revolted against the Baku Commune, Armenian
Dashnaks and Bolshevik troops poured into the Azerbaijani quarters of
the city and slaughtered thousands. In September, just after a British
protection force withdrew and before the Ottoman army marched in, a
revenge match was played out. This time the Azerbaijanis went on the
rampage and thousands of Armenians were put to the sword. The total
death toll of the intercommunal fighting on both sides in 1918 ran close
to twenty thousand.
In the Soviet epoch, ethnic violence was in abeyance and intercom
munal relations were good, but the tension did not entirely disappear.
Armenians knew not to venture out when the Yerevan soccer team
Ararat was playing in town—and especially if it won. In the Caucasus
an ethnic, rather than a civic, understanding of belonging prevails, and
the roles of “guest” and “host” are very well defined. In Armenia, the
Azerbaijanis were very definitely made to feel that they were “guests”;
so, in a less overt way, were the Armenians of Baku. The British writer
Susan Richards picked up on this when she stayed with an Armenian
mother and daughter in Baku in 1989. Tatyana, the daughter, had al
most exclusively Azerbaijani friends. Richards writes:
The ascendancy of the Turkic Azeris had been confirmed in the repub
lic by Soviet power. As long as this was not threatened, the Azeris had
little reason to be anything but easygoing. But there were terms. The
appearance of Azeri ascendancy had to be maintained. . . . Tatyana’s
own attitude illustrated the delicate balance between Azeri tolerance
and ascendancy. Her pale-skinned beauty marked her as an Armen
ian, but she had put herself under the protection of the Azeris. “The
other day,” she remarked to me, “my boss, who was introducing me to
someone, said: ‘This is Tatyana. She’s Azeri.’ It’s quite obvious that I’m
not, of course. But it was his way of saying ‘She’s one of us.’ It’s all a
matter of attitude. Armenians who don’t get on here have only them-
selves to blame.” That was all very well unless, as her mother feared,
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101
she happened to come across an Azeri who did not happen to know
that, despite her Armenian blood, she was “one of them.”
4
Black January 1990 destroyed all of these cultural negotiations. Even
well-integrated Armenians like Tatyana and her mother were forced to
leave Baku, and two currents of its history diverged.
“We live peacefully with them, peacefully and normally,” said Bella
Saakova. Bella, a Baku Armenian, was sitting in a small room in a hos
tel in a dusty suburb of Yerevan. By “them” she meant her neighbors,
the Armenians of Armenia. She has lived in Armenia for the past ten
years, since being deported from Baku in January 1990, yet still does not
feel at home. Like most of her fellow Armenian refugees, Bella has not
taken Armenian citizenship and her greatest sense of belonging is to her
lost home city. If you were to x-ray Bella, you would find a Bakuvian all
the way through.
5
A good selection of Baku-in-exile was seated at Bella’s table in Yere
van. All were Armenians, but they talked in Russian and had Russian
first names. There was a softness about them, which I was not used to
in Armenia, generally a dour straight-talking place, the Scotland of the
Caucasus. These people had the unalloyed nostalgia and pedantry that
goes with exile. Now they were arguing about Baku schools. “I went to
School No 142, the best in Baku,” maintained Grisha firmly. Alyosha
began a song in Azeri about the wind blowing in from the sea to Baku.
Grisha picked up one in Russian, “Baku, my own city . . .”
The conversation at Bella’s table turned on two topics: their shared
memories of Azerbaijan and the dark days in January 1990, when the
last Armenians were expelled from Baku. All the guests at the table had
different accounts of how it had ended, and it seemed that the manner
of leaving had imprinted a defining idea of what Baku meant for them.
Grisha told stories about those who had been beaten and were stripped
and robbed in the Shafaq Cinema before being shipped on ferries across
the Caspian Sea.
Bella’s story of her last days in Baku reflected her forgiving charac
ter. She said she would remember forever the terror of standing on the
cold, wind-battered quayside, waiting to board a ferry and leave the
city, as a line of Soviet police protected a crowd of elderly and beaten
Armenians. Yet her strongest memory was still of the kindness shown
her by her Azerbaijani neighbors. She had left her possessions in the
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care of one neighbor, and still remembered another, who, in the minutes
before she left her apartment to take refuge in the local police station,
had packed a basket of food for her and her children for their terrible
journey. In the basket were medicine, salami, cheese, and loaves of
bread. “I can never forget that,” Bella said. “Perhaps that’s why I have
a completely different attitude to Azerbaijanis. You know, when people
say bad things about them—even when they deservedly say bad
things—I remember my neighbor. I immediately remember her and I
remember that bread.”
Baku was still Bella’s lost Eden. When I was setting off to visit her
old city, she sighed, “I would give up ten years of my life to go back for
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