party ideology and are used to maintain the claim that Barak is com-
mitted to the unity of Jerusalem. However, it will be demonstrated that,
argumentatively, Olmert’s words have a higher refutation value vis-a`-vis
Netanyahu’s accusations.
Both quotes support the ideology of the addressing party and are pre-
sented as an integral part of its contemporary text: there are no speech
markers that would indicate an intertextual shift, nor circumstance
markers that would indicate the distinction between pre-text and text.
This gives the impression that the quotations and the announcer’s words
are all one text.
Di¤erent means are used to integrate Barak’s and Olmert’s quotations:
by dividing each of the quotations into two parts and presenting them al-
ternately (Olmert–Barak–Olmert–Barak), the e¤ect is achieved of inte-
gration, in both content and ideology. On a syntactic and grammatical
level, the quotes appear to be one unit: the second half of Olmert’s quota-
tion begins with the word ‘‘and,’’ which originally connected both parts
of his sentence. However, in this segment one might believe that Olmert
is continuing the thought expressed previously by Barak. This impression
of textual unity between the two quotations is supported by extralinguis-
tic means too: background music continues from the beginning of
Olmert’s words until the end of Barak’s; Olmert’s words are accompanied
by clips of Barak or views of East Jerusalem. On this background, imme-
diately following Olmert’s talk, Barak is seen giving a speech.
As noted (Section 3), Barak is the Israel Achat candidate for the post of
prime minister. His quotations in most of its texts are accompanied by a
repetition of his full name. We may surmise that the absence of his name
in this particular segment possibly serves to enhance the semblance of in-
tegration between his text and Olmert’s. However, Barak is presented in
an emotionally positive light by exhibiting him with a view of Jerusalem
in the background and by playing cheering and clapping sounds as he
speaks.
From the viewpoint of the addressing party, promoting Olmert is
somewhat problematic: his words contribute much toward refuting Netan-
yahu’s repetitive claim that Barak will divide Jerusalem; they therefore
obviously belong to the text of the ‘‘we’’ group. However, he is a member
of the opposing Likud party headed by Netanyahu, and so, in principle,
belongs to ‘‘they.’’ The marker ‘‘Ehud Olmert, Mayor of Jerusalem’’
written in black is the solution to this contradiction: in the written elec-
toral discourse a politician’s full name in blue is used to create positive
emotionality, while the surname alone in red promotes negative emotion-
ality; whenever members of the opposing group produce supportive quo-
tations, as in the present case, the quotation source is marked by the full
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name written in black. In this way, moderate positive emotionality is
achieved.
Both the qualifiers ‘‘Likud ’’ and ‘‘mayor of Jerusalem’’ increase the
argumentative force of the quote. The marker ‘‘mayor of Jerusalem’’ val-
idates Olmert as a knowledgeable authority on all city matters, thereby
reinforcing the argumentative status of the quotation (Volman 1990: 60;
Perelman 1983: 79; Copi 1977: 87). The marker ‘‘Likud ’’ clears Olmert
from any suspicion that his support of Barak stems from nonobjective
considerations. Probably in order to avoid damage to the necessary posi-
tive emotionality of Likud in this co-text, the government, in which the
Likud is a central member, is called ‘‘the Netanyahu Government’’ and
not ‘‘the Likud Government.’’ Thus, the negative emotionality of ‘‘stuck’’
(‘‘The Netanyahu government is stuck’’) adheres only to Netanyahu.
While the captions relating to Olmert are black (neutral), Netanyahu’s
captions are red (negative emotionality). Distinguishing between them
on an emotional and ideological level although they are members of the
same party helps Israel Achat to show a connection between Olmert and
Barak, and to present their quotations as belonging to the same ideologi-
cal text, opposed to Netanyahu’s.
In summary, the markers used to denote Olmert as well as the lack of
markers for Barak serve to connect between these politicians and their
views: while Israel Achat ascribes Olmert to the ‘‘they’’ group, it does
not damage his positive image and even acknowledges his public status
in order to strengthen the argumentative status of his words. In addition,
it espouses his text and merges it with that of Barak as an ideological
statement regarding Barak’s commitment to a unified Jerusalem.
7.2.
Text B
The text in Table 3, broadcast on 1 and 2 May 1999, also belongs to the
Israel Achat campaign. The text criticizes Netanyahu, then prime minister
on behalf of the Likud Party.
According to this text Netanyahu deceived the lower class population
by giving needy children 60,000 new computers on camera, but taking
them back once the cameras were turned o¤. This section is one of a se-
ries of attempts by Israel Achat to present Netanyahu as a media magi-
cian whose statements and promises do not hold water.
Three propositions are quoted in the text. The first, according to which
Netanyahu brought computers for children in Kiryat Malachi, was first
transmitted as indirect speech by the announcer (‘‘he’d brought them
computers’’) and, later on, by Netanyahu himself, photographed as he
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Table 3.
Text B
Speaker
Spoken text
Written text
Vocal means
Visual means
Announcer
Last week, Netanyahu told the
parents and children in Kiryat
Malachi,
1
that he’d brought them
computers
Intonation of
an anecdote
Within a frame: a photograph of
Netanyahu making a speech.
Netanyahu
Another sixty thousand computers
that’s, a revolution! (videotaped)
Within a frame: Netanyahu
making a speech.
Announcer
He was photographed with them
and was even moved
Intonation of
an anecdote
Netanyahu and his wife standing
beside an Ethiopian immigrant
child as he operates a computer.
2
Netanyahu
I tell you, every time we come,
Sara
3
and I stand there,
ah . . . ah . . . tears in our eyes!
(videotaped)
Within a frame: Netanyahu
making a speech.
Announcer
But the Ma’ariv newspaper
4
reveals
the truth: The computers were
brought for the camera shoot
and were removed directly after
the event.
The computers were placed in
the Education Center for
Netanyahu’s visit and removed
after the event. (in cutting)
Ma’ariv 29.4.99
Has your child received a computer
from the Netanyahu government?
Has your child received a
computer?
A photograph of Netanyahu
Can one believe anything
Netanyahu says?
Can one believe Netanyahu?
Do you want four more years?
Want 4 more years?
1
The town of Kiryat Malachi visited by Netanyahu is identified with economic distress.
2
The Ethiopian immigrants are identified with social-educational disadvantage.
3
Sara is Benjamin Netanyahu’s wife. The couple often complains about their negative image in the Israeli media.
4
Ma’ariv is one of the three largest daily newspapers in Israel.
Quot
ation
mark
ers
as
inter
textual
co
des
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spoke (‘‘Another sixty thousand computers, that’s a revolution!’’). The
second proposition, predominantly the emotional response of Netanyahu
and his wife when giving the computers, was transmitted once by Netan-
yahu himself (‘‘I tell you, every time we come, Sara and I stand there,
ah . . . ah . . . tears in our eyes!’’). The third proposition is quoted from the
Ma’ariv newspaper and transmitted in direct speech by the announcer
(‘‘The computers were brought for the camera shoot and were removed
directly after the event’’) and by simultaneous presentation of the quoted
newspaper cutting on screen (‘‘The computers were placed in the Educa-
tion Center for Netanyahu’s visit and removed after the event’’). We will
see below that damage to Netanyahu’s public image was caused not only
by the quotation’s content, but by all quotation markers included in the
text.
As the Likud candidate for the post of prime minister, Netanyahu is the
major opponent of Israel Achat, which thus has an obvious interest to dis-
tance itself from him and from any of his ostensibly negative quotes.
Ma’ariv newspaper, on the other hand, has no part in the political strug-
gle, and the quote from it actually strengthens Israel Achat’s claim.
Therefore, the party is expected to embrace both the source and the quo-
tation. However, as explained earlier (Section 6.2), the argumentative
strength of quotes from newspapers derives from their neutral image,
and it is in the party’s best interest to maintain this image.
Netanyahu is marked by surname only, a marker that potentially may
show minimal respect for the speaker. This is similar to all other oppo-
nents whose quotations are hostile, and di¤erent from those whose quota-
tions are supportive (i.e., Olmert in the previous discussion). In compari-
son, Ma’ariv is mentioned twice and is even supported by the title
‘‘newspaper,’’ though all Israelis know it well. By this the party signifies
the importance awarded to its character and establishes its important
argumentative status.
As explained (Section 6.3), the partition between text and pre-text is
most significant when the sources are opponents and their quotations are
hostile. Israel Achat uses the lexical marker ‘‘told’’ to refute Netanyahu’s
words. The past tense of the verb distances the quotation from the quot-
ing text with respect to time. Moreover, the Hebrew original verb siper,
translated here as ‘‘told,’’ is far more emotive: it specifically denotes ‘‘tell-
ing stories’’ (including lying), thus implying that the content of the quota-
tion could well be fictitious (Nir and Roeh 1987: 26). This impression is
reinforced by the fairytale-like intonation used by the announcer to pres-
ent Netanyahu’s quotations. Naturally, this contributes to the construc-
tion of negative emotionality not only of the quotation but also of
Netanyahu himself.
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As mentioned above, the quotation from Ma’ariv was intended to re-
fute Netanyahu’s quotations. Israel Achat uses the participle ‘‘reveals’’ to
establish the credibility of Ma’ariv. This marker implies that the content
of the quotation is true and secret (Weizman 1982: 134).
1
The noun
‘‘truth’’ (‘‘reveals the truth’’) naturally reinforces the credibility of the
newspaper and its quotation. The positive emotive connotation and the
present time of the markers create the impression of minimal partition be-
tween pre-text and text.
As explained (Section 6.2), recording the name of the newspaper
together with the publication date (‘‘29.4.99’’) is likely to be perceived in
Israel as a full obligation to the credibility of the quotation, and therefore
is used whenever the quotations are corroborative. Here this factor is ex-
tremely important in establishing the claims against Netanyahu. Natu-
rally, a photograph of the quoted cuttings on the screen is also a contri-
buting factor.
While Israel Achat uses only a date when referring to the quote from
the newspaper, it uses various circumstance markers when referring to
Netanyahu’s quote: temporal (‘‘last week’’), locative (‘‘in Kiryat Mala-
chi’’), addressees (‘‘parents and children’’), and background (‘‘he was
photographed with them, and was even moved’’). All these are character-
ized by low levels of accuracy, and could have been presented more spe-
cifically. However, this quality actually enables the party to present the
content of these quotes as fabricated, as it correlates to what is considered
acceptable in the narrative genre. In other words, the markers of Netan-
yahu’s quotes emphasize the otherness of the pre-texts as compared to
the texts and serve as a partition between them. This is accentuated by
extralinguistic means too: when Netanyahu speaks, his photograph does
not fill the screen. Rather, it appears inside a frame—a story within a
story, an extraneous character within the text of the addressing party.
In summary, an analysis of the text clearly shows that Israel Achat uti-
lizes di¤erent markers to mark the two sources and their quotes. The
markers used in relation to the opponent Netanyahu and his hostile quo-
tations reflect the distance and the disagreement of the addressing party
with them. In contrast, markers relating to Ma’ariv and its quotation are
used to establish a neutral image of the newspaper and therefore to en-
hance the argumentative strength of the quotation.
8.
Conclusion
This research has revealed that in the broadcasts of the Israeli electoral
campaign, quotation markers not only indicate a pre-text but also fulfill
Quotation markers as intertextual codes
477
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an important rhetorical role—a covert coding of the party’s position vis-
a`-vis the sources and the quotations: source markers serve to a‰liate the
source with the ‘‘we’’ group, to exclude it, or to establish it as neutral;
speech and circumstance markers serve to a‰liate the quotation with the
ideological text of the addressing party, to exclude it, or to mark it as
neutral. Markers of all types are also used to increase the credibility of
quotations in corroborative status.
I perceive the double functioning of quotations markers, on a linguistic
level as well as on a semiotic level, as evidence for intertextuality in elec-
toral discourse. Naturally, the ideological and argumentative meanings
are inherent in the semantic components and the emotive connotations
of the markers. However, it was found that these meanings are also en-
coded in other discursive means, including the mere presence of linguistic
marking, the frequency of the markers, their length (full names versus
surnames), their grammatical forms (past tense verbs versus participles),
their insertion in recurring intertextual patterns, and their textual links.
As argued, the qualitative and quantitative findings presented here shed
light on covert means of persuasion in the Israeli rhetorical discourse,
and further support Kristeva’s (1984 [1974]) view that intertextuality
serves to encode semiotic meanings in linguistic signs.
Notes
*
This article is based on my doctoral dissertation ‘‘Intertextuality in the Electoral Dis-
course on Israeli TV: Linguistic Features and Rhetorical Functions’’ (Shukrun-Nagar
2003). I am grateful to my two advisors, Prof. Elda Weizman from Bar Ilan University
and Dr. Roni Henkin from Ben-Gurion University, for their substantial contribution to
the research and to this article. I am also grateful to Prof. Yishai Tobin for reading this
article and o¤ering his comments and to Tzipi Parnassa from the Ben Gurion University
computational center for implementing the sample of the corpus.
1.
According to Grice’s (1975) concept, this constitutes a conventional implicature.
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Dr. Pnina Shukrun-Nagar received her Ph.D. summa cum laude in 2003 from Ben-Gurion
University of the Negev in Israel, where she is now a lecturer in the Department of Hebrew
Language. Her primary fields of research are semantics and pragmatics, focusing on conno-
tations and the interpretation of implied meanings. She currently explores argumentative dis-
course, especially political texts (electoral campaigns and speeches) and mass media texts
(articles in the press). Address for correspondence: Department of Hebrew Language, Ben-
Gurion University of the Negev, Beer-Sheva, Israel 3pshukrun@bgu.ac.il4.
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