204
F R E D E R I C K E T A L .
are often very “coarse”—often multiples of 2 or 10 of the immediate reward, sug-
gesting that respondents do not (or cannot) think very carefully about the task.
Third, and most important, there are large differences in imputed discount rates
among several theoretically equivalent procedures. Two intertemporal options
could be equated or matched in one of four ways: respondents could be asked to
specify the amount of a delayed reward that would make it as attractive as a given
immediate reward (which is the most common technique); the amount of an im-
mediate reward that makes it as attractive as a given delayed reward (Albrecht and
Weber 1996); the maximum length of time they would be willing to wait to re-
ceive a larger reward in lieu of an immediately available smaller reward (Ainslie
and Haendel 1983; Roelofsma 1994); or the latest date at which they would ac-
cept a smaller reward in lieu of receiving a larger reward at a specified date that is
later still.
While there is no theoretical basis for preferring one of these methods over any
other, the small amount of empirical evidence comparing different methods sug-
gests that they yield very different discount rates. Roelofsma (1994) found that
implicit discount rates varied tremendously depending on whether respondents
matched on amount or time. One group of subjects was asked to indicate how
much compensation they would demand to allow a purchased bicycle to be deliv-
ered 9 months late. The median response was 250 florins. Another group was
asked how long they would be willing to delay delivery of the bicycle in exchange
for 250 florins. The mean response was only 3 weeks, implying a discount rate
that is 12 times higher. Frederick and Read (2002) found that implicit discount
rates were dramatically higher when respondents generated the future reward that
would equal a specified current reward than when they generated a current reward
that would equal a specified future reward. Specifically, when respondents were
asked to state the amount in 30 years that would be as good as getting $100 today,
the median response was $10,000 (implying that a future dollar is
1
⁄
100
th as valu-
able), but when asked to specify the amount today that is as good as getting $100
in thirty years, the median response was $50 (implying that a future dollar is
1
⁄
2
as
valuable).
Two other experimental procedures involve rating or pricing temporal prospects.
In
rating tasks
, each respondent evaluates an outcome occurring at a particular
time by rating its attractiveness or aversiveness. In
pricing tasks
, each respondent
specifies a willingness to pay to obtain (or avoid) some real or hypothetical out-
come occurring at a particular time, such as a monetary reward, dinner coupons,
an electric shock, or an extra year added to the end of one’s life. (Once again, see
table 6.1 for a list of the procedures and rewards used in the different studies.)
Rating and pricing tasks differ from choice and matching tasks in one important
respect. Whereas choice and matching tasks call attention to time (because each
respondent evaluates two outcomes occurring at two different times), rating and
pricing tasks permit time to be manipulated
between subjects
(because a single re-
spondent may evaluate either the immediate or delayed outcome, by itself).
Loewenstein (1988) found that the timing of an outcome is much less impor-
tant (discount rates are much lower) when respondents evaluate a single outcome
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