Tourism, Security and Safety From Theory to Practice

Category Two: Managing the Symbolic Reality
In contrast to the above-mentioned strategies in which changes to the reality play
a central role, the strategies in the second category focus almost exclusively on
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combating image crises by dealing with symbolic changes via public relations and
advertising. There are eight strategies in this category.
The “Crisis? What Crisis?” Approach
Some destinations choose to ignore the damage to their images and act as though
there never was a crisis, in the hope that new events and the passing of time will
cause tourists to forget the crisis. Thus Spain, for example, and in particular
Barcelona and Madrid, chose to employ a “business as usual” approach following
periodic terrorist attacks (Efrati, 2002). In Turkey, a similar policy was introduced
after the terror attacks of 2003–2004. A destination can also ignore its negative
image in non-crisis times, and market itself as it wants to appear rather than as it
is typically seen. For example, the city of Manchester ignored common stereotypes
by marketing itself as an international business center (Young and Lever, 1997). In
this context, some destinations’ tendency to mention the bright future in their cam-
paigns—while ignoring the more troublesome present—should also be noted. It is
in such cases that slogans such as “The future is safe in X,” “Think of the future in
X,” or “X is stepping toward tomorrow” can be found. Holcomb (1994) cites the
example of the American city of New Milford, Connecticut, which chose the slo-
gan “A great past, and a greater future,” but remained surprisingly silent regarding
the present.
Employing a “Counter-Messages Offensive”
A destination can produce messages contrary to those that led to the crisis and the
negative image associated with it, or in other words, launch a counter-messages
offensive (Kotler et al., 1993). There are two main methods to accomplish this
strategy. The first includes specific references in public relations and advertising
campaigns to the source of the negative components of the image, while the sec-
ond attempts to reposition the destination. When the first possibility is employed,
counter-messages are sent that are geared toward changing the negative compo-
nents of the image so that the destination is no longer perceived as, for example,
unsafe, dirty, or boring. If several high-profile crimes occurred in a destination and
received a great deal of media attention, the destination can publish data concern-
ing its actual crime rate, which may be much lower than that of other similar-sized
cities. If a destination is perceived as unsafe, advertisements can be used in which
visitors say how much they enjoyed their visit and how safe they felt.
An example of the above strategy was used in Miami where, in the wake of the
tourism crisis, the convention bureau unveiled an advertising campaign addressing
tourist safety and portraying the city as a safe destination (Tilson and Stacks, 2001).
Similarly, Tunisia’s tourism office adopted, after the terrorist attack in 2002, an ad
campaign aiming at inspiring “peace and tranquility” in visitors (Media Line, 2004).
When using the second possibility, the destination is positioned in a manner
directly opposed to the existing stereotype. Thus, for example, the German city of
Nuremberg, one of the prime symbols of the Nazi regime whose name is linked to
the post war trials of Nazi leaders, has been steadily positioning itself over the past
decade as a center of “peace and human rights.” This repositioning has been
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successful, as Nuremberg won international recognition by UNESCO. The chosen
position was the direct opposite of the negative image conferred upon the city by
its Nazi past: a place of war, racism, destruction, and nationalism, Nuremberg now
stands for justice, freedom, peace, and equality. This change in repositioning was
accomplished by the creation and promotion of museums, monuments, art
exhibits, cultural events, and conferences dedicated to human rights and social jus-
tice (Ha’aretz, May 12, 2003).
Repositioning was also used in marketing the Negev Desert in southern Israel.
The “Negev Action” campaign, for example, challenged the perception of the
region as boring, remote, uneventful, and monotonous. As part of the reposition-
ing, the campaign promoted trips, sporting events, and family-oriented activities in
the Negev, and the advertisements focused on active recreation photographs.
Another campaign in the same region used the slogan “Green in the Negev,” which
challenged the perception of the area as desert-like, arid, barren, and distant from
the country’s center (Avraham, 2003a).
Acknowledging the Negative Image
Understandable as the urge to deny might be, sometimes acknowledging the neg-
ative image directly is the most effective course of action. This might be done dur-
ing the crisis, or immediately after it has passed. For example, the American city
of Tulsa, Oklahoma, used advertisements portraying local sites and residents under
the slogan “This should fill in the blank about Tulsa,” and with the acknowledge-
ment that “When someone says ‘Tulsa’ some people draw a blank.” While admit-
ting that the city is not well known and has a weak image, the campaign provides
the solution—pictures of the city and information about it, attempting to enrich its
image (Holcomb, 1994). After the crisis is over, an advertisement may be placed
presenting the message that “the image of the city as gray and covered with smoke
has disappeared, and now the city is attractive” (Burgess, 1982). Such a slogan
acknowledges the difficult past and thus creates a feeling of trust between the
advertisers and the external audience. This strategy also includes the initiative
employed by some places to acknowledge that a problem exists in a specific
regional area and to frankly advise tourists not to go there. A prime example is the
approach taken by the London Tourist Board during England’s much-publicized
outbreak of foot and mouth disease, which emphasized that the problem was only
in rural areas (Hopper, 2003; Frisby, 2002). Similar approaches have been used by
Israel, Nepal, and the Philippines (Beirman, 2002; Baral et al., 2004).
Geographic Isolation Strategy
In his analysis of safety and security issues, Santana (2003) notes that “as far as
tourism is concerned, security issues (real or perceived) always have a spillover
effect. That is, tourists tend to associate a security incident with an entire region”
(p. 305). This strategy comprises a destination’s attempt to distance itself from a
problematic area or region with which it is identified. Examples of separation can
be seen in the marketing of the Israeli city of Eilat, which during the late 1990s
was presented in Europe as “Eilat on the Red Sea.” The advertising campaign did
not mention the fact that the city was located in Israel, which was perceived at that
time as unsafe for tourists due to security issues. The campaign managers appar-
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ently believed that not mentioning the exact location of the city would help in its
marketing and prevent European tourists from avoiding it due to perceptions of
Israel as unsafe. This strategy, which Pizam and Mansfeld (1996) call “destination-
specific” or “isolation strategy” (Beirman, 2002), is recommended when promot-
ing destinations located in countries suffering from ongoing image crises. Beirman
(2002) brings an additional example when he mentions that Jordan aimed “to dif-
ferentiate destination Jordan from destination Israel” (p. 174), after the start of the
latest outbreak of conflict between Israel and the Palestinians at the end of 2000.
Spinning Liabilities into Assets
This strategy also takes the key point of a previous strategy—acknowledging the
negative image—a step further by acknowledging a negative factor responsible for
the image and spinning it into a positive trait. For example, Minnesota winters are
known as extremely cold, a fact that harmed the state’s image and drove people
away. Today, however, these winters are marketed as unique and have become a
tourist attraction, with various winter cultural events and festivals catering to many
(Kotler et al., 1993). Similarly, one of the causes of the negative perceptions of the
city of Be’er Sheva is its location in the Negev Desert in southern Israel, which is
associated with extreme heat and the “backward” Orient. Several researchers
(Fenster et al., 1994) suggested to local authorities that they should market the city
as a modern and unique (in Israel) embodiment of an Eastern, exotic, desert city.
This suggestion made use of the positive perceptions linked to the desert, and these
were associated with the city. The researchers suggested the use of Eastern archi-
tecture (a unique oriental shopping center, a Bedouin market) and other activities
that would promote its image as an Eastern, modern desert city. The Eastern char-
acter suggested refers to perceptions of the East as innocent, unspoiled, hospitable,
spirited, and lively. Another similar case is that of the British city of Bradford,
which for many years suffered from a negative image due to the many foreign
immigrants who had settled in it and the ethnic and racial clashes that ensued. Over
the past few years, the city has been trying to turn this characteristic into an advan-
tage by marketing itself as a multicultural oasis (their slogan is “Flavors of Asia”),
where different social groups and races coexist in harmony and a spirit of cooper-
ation (Bramwell and Rawding, 1996). In all of these examples, those characteris-
tics seen as responsible for the negative image are presented with a new twist, so
as to turn them from liabilities to assets.
Changing a Destination’s Name
A destination’s name, like that of a person or an organization, is part of its identity
and, as such, has considerable influence on the way it is perceived by the public.
Therefore, in order to effect a change in image, it may prove prudent to change the
name as well. Some destinations have names that are beneficial to marketing,
whereas others have names associated with negative stereotypes and perceptions
that harm their attractiveness. Thus, for example, a French member of Parliament
attempted to pass a law that would prohibit the use of the term “Vichy
Government,” claiming that it was harmful to the development of the city of Vichy.
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This city, which was once the world capital of healing-related tourism, was also
capital to the Nazi-collaborating World War II government that has since been
known as the “Vichy Government.” Although many years have passed since that
difficult time, the city’s name is still problematic, and tourists, conference orga-
nizers, and visitors refrain from including it on their itineraries.
There are cases in which a destination’s image is so unfavorable that local author-
ities have given up hopes of rectifying the situation. Some of these places simply
change their names in the hope that the negative image associated with the old name
will disappear along with it (Avraham, 2003a). An interesting example is that of the
US state of North Dakota, which has begun taking measures to rid itself of the prefix
“North” and be known simply as “Dakota,” since the term “North” leads to percep-
tions of the state as cold, isolated, and unattractive (Singer, 2002). Similarly, in order
to combat the tourism crisis in the city of Eilat in Israel, a decision was made to
change its name to “Eilat City.” The city’s decision makers believe that with its new
name, they will be able to market Eilat as a lively, international, and borderless city.
Creation of a New Logo or Slogan
Along with names, destinations’ symbols and logos are also important components
of marketing campaigns. Thus, a destination in transition may also need to change
its symbols. Industrial cities moving on to the post-industrial era often have sym-
bols that are no longer relevant to the city’s new spirit. The city of Syracuse in New
York State, for example, strove to move toward the post-industrial era but had a
symbol containing chimneys, industrial plants, and smoke that was incongruent
with the new image. Indeed, after lengthy debate a new logo was adopted, one dis-
playing skyscrapers, a modern skyline, open skies, and a lake (Short et al., 1993).
In another example, a Polish marketing agency recently suggested making a kite
the new national logo, in order to promote tourism and to improve the nation’s gen-
eral image. According to the agency, kites symbolize a plethora of positive attri-
butes, including freedom, youth, love of life, and hope. The idea is that associating
Poland with these concepts via the logo will help to undo the stereotype of Poland
as gray, boring, cold, conservative, and poor (Boxer, 2002).
Like logos, slogans are effective methods of delivering messages. One
of the classic slogans used to foster fondness for a destination is the well-known
“I
♥
New York.” A good slogan may be used for many years and through several dif-
ferent campaigns. Good slogans lay out a destination’s vision, reflect its spirit, and
create enthusiasm and momentum. Formulating a slogan depends on the target pop-
ulation and on the goals of the campaign, but the slogan must also be at least some-
what congruent with reality (Kotler et al., 1993). A destination undergoing a change
should change its slogan, emphasizing the change and its new look, as in the case
of the British city of Bradford, whose new slogans include “Bradford’s Bouncing
Back,” and “A Surprising Place” (Bramwell and Rawding, 1996).
Changing the Campaign’s Target Audience
An additional strategy that can be used by destination decision makers to deal with
an image crisis is to change the target audience of their advertising and public rela-
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tions campaigns. Sometimes, the destination’s image is so problematic among the
existing target audience (past visitors, for example) that there is virtually no
chance of overcoming it. This scenario is especially severe when a destination suf-
fers frequently from negative coverage in the international media. When destina-
tions in this situation change their target audience or their type of tourism, they
begin to concentrate on a different market segment that is less affected by the
issues raised in the negative coverage. In the beginning of the new century, several
countries in the Middle East employed this strategy. In Israel, for example, as a
result of the damage caused to general tourism, advertising campaigns began to
concentrate on religious tourists in the United States and Europe, with the assump-
tion that tourists of this type would be less sensitive to security issues. Jews and
Evangelical Christians became a prime target audience, while domestic tourism
was also encouraged at new levels. The new campaign attempted to use the poten-
tial tourists’ religious identity to convince them to visit Israel, using the slogan
“Don’t let your soul wait any longer. Come visit Israel” (Ha’aretz, May 6, 2003;
Media Line, 2004).
Another example of this strategy can be found in Syria, another country that suf-
fered a tourism crisis after the terrorist events of September 11. As a result of the
crisis, Syria began a campaign based on the slogan “Syria, Land of Civilizations”
in order to attract tourists from throughout the Arab world who no longer felt
comfortable traveling in the West (Ha’aretz, July 30, 2002). Jordan initiated a sim-
ilar approach, and began concentrating on regional tourism, attracting visitors
from Gulf nations and neighboring countries (Media Line, 2004).