what the law is and make sure that it is applied to particular cases. The power
ture simply follows, so the argument goes, from the fact that the constitution
the legal power to invalidate a legislative act which is unconstitutional. The
the desirability of judicial review is a matter of institutional choice, and a great
, 149–50.
, 154. Marmor addressed two other arguments. As to the claim that the interpretation of
the constitution, a legal document, is a matter for the courts, the repository of legal expertise,
Marmor indicated that this claim rests on the problematic assumption that legal reasoning
informs constitutional decision-making solely, as ‘[most] constitutional decisions are based on
The Constitutional Orders of ‘One Country, Two Systems’
259
Earlier, examining the United States Constitution, Judge Learned Hand
observed in his Oliver Wendell Holmes Lecture that nothing in the powers
granted to the courts in the Constitution included the authority to pass upon
the validity of the decisions of another ‘department’ of government as to the
scope of that ‘department’s’ powers. The understanding rather was that the
three ‘departments’ of the Executive, the Legislative and the Judicial were
separate and co-equal, without any mutual dependence. To subject the valid-
ity of a particular decision of one of them to review and reversal by another,
in the words of Judge Hand, ‘makes supreme the “Department” that has the
last word’.
103
Judge Hand also highlighted that the defence of judicial review
of legislation by Alexander Hamilton in the Federalist No. 78 was not based
upon anything in the constitutional text but rather on the ordinary function of
courts to construe statutes:
The interpretation of the laws is the proper and peculiar province of the
courts. A constitution is, in fact, and must be regarded by the judges, as a fun-
damental law. It therefore belongs to them to ascertain its meaning as well as
the meaning of any particular act proceeding from the legislative body . . . Nor
does this conclusion by any means suppose a superiority of the judicial to the
legislative power. It only supposes that the power of the people is superior to
both; and that where the will of the legislature declared in its statutes stands
in opposition to that of the people declared by the Constitution, the judges
ought to be governed by the latter rather than the former.
According to Judge Hand, judicial review of legislation was supportable only
after examination of the deficiencies and undesirability of the alternatives. The
power was not ‘a logical deduction from the structure of the Constitution but
only a practical condition upon its successful operation’. Since the Supreme
Court’s ‘authority to keep the states, Congress, and the President within their
moral and political considerations’; see
ibid.
, 150. As to the claim that entrusting courts with
judicial review secures the rights and principles entrenched in the constitution for the citizens,
Marmor called it the argument from consensus, ‘a very tenuous agreement which breaks down
as soon as a conflict comes to the surface’ about rights; see
ibid.
, 151–3.
103
Learned Hand,
The Bill of Rights (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1958) 4–5. Judge
Hand also considered the so-called supremacy clause of Article VI of the United States Con-
stitution to be not supportive of the proposition of the supremacy of the judiciary. Rather it
accorded ‘with the view that, when it was intended to grant courts the power to declare a
statute invalid because it was in conflict with the Constitution, some express grant was thought
necessary’.