The Invisible Constitution in Comparative Perspective



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The Invisible Constitution in Comparative Perspective by Rosalind Dixon (editor), Adrienne Stone (editor) (z-lib.org)

Originalism and the Invisible Constitution 

105


federal constitutional law unless the political question doctrine applies. This 

practice would require lower court judges and other officials to defer to the 

Court on questions of constitutional interpretation – even if they believed that 

the Court had erred. Similarly, the current Supreme Court could defer to its 

prior self; adopting the doctrine of horizontal stare decisis structures constitu-

tional interpretation. So long as this institutional structure is consistent with 

the original meaning of the Constitution, this option is available to original-

ists. Whether it is the best option depends on a variety of complex institutional 

questions – effects on stability, efficacy in maintaining original meaning, and 

so forth.

Precedent might also play a role in constitutional construction. For orig-

inalists who embrace the construction zone, nonoriginalist considerations 

inevitably play a role in constitutional practice when the communicative 

content of the constitutional text is vague or irreducibly ambiguous. In the 

construction zone, both vertical and horizontal stare decisis could structure 

constitutional doctrine – by definition, the construction zone is the space in 

which the original meaning of the Constitution underdetermines the legal 

content of constitutional doctrine.

It should be uncontroversial that originalists can embrace an institu-

tional role for precedent so long as that role is consistent with the Constraint 

Principle. There is, however, a question about the proper role of precedent 

that is bound to be controversial. Can originalists accept precedents that are 

both (1) contrary to original meaning, and (2) decided on the basis of nonorig-

inalist concerns? Although some originalists have argued that Brown v. Board 

can be justified on originalist grounds, suppose that Brown is inconsistent with 

original meaning and that the opinion in Brown cannot be fairly read as a good 

faith attempt to reach a decision consistent with original meaning.

74

 Under 



these circumstances, would originalists be compelled to argue that Brown 

should be reversed? Or consider the New Deal era precedents that expanded 

national legislative power and provided the constitutional foundations for the 

exercise of legislative, executive, and judicial powers by administrative agen-

cies. Assuming that these decisions are inconsistent with original meaning and 

that their reasoning cannot be characterized as a good faith attempt to respect 

original meaning, must originalists argue that they should be overruled?

Justice Scalia has argued for “faint-hearted originalism” – which recon-

ciles originalism to nonoriginalist precedents on pragmatic grounds.

75

 Randy 



74 

See Michael W. McConnell, “The Originalist Case for Brown v. Board of Education” (1995–6) 

19 Harvard Journal of Law and Public Policy 457.

75 


Antonin  Scalia, “Originalism: The Lesser Evil” (1988–9)  57  University of Cincinnati Law  

Review 849.


106 

Lawrence B. Solum

Barnett has forcefully criticized Scalia’s argument.

76

 This theoretical disagree-



ment can be characterized in terms of the Constraint Principle. Originalists 

differ about the precise contours of the Constraint Principle. Some, like 

Scalia, adopt versions of the Constraint Principle with defeasibility condi-

tions that are broad in scope. Others, like Barnett, believe in relatively narrow 

defeasibility conditions – although every originalist is likely to accept that orig-

inal meaning must give way in some cases: the Constitution is not a suicide 

pact.

77

 When defeasibility conditions come into play, the resulting doctrines 



are constitutional constructions: legal content of constitutional doctrine that 

is inconsistent with the communicative content of the constitutional text. The 

question whether originalists should adopt broad or narrow defeasibility con-

ditions is a complex one: the answer depends on the underlying justifications 

for originalism, broader issues in political philosophy, and empirical questions 

about institutional design. These topics are important, but they cannot be 

resolved on this occasion and are likely to be the subject of ongoing dispute 

among originalists.




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