Lost in Transition
551
of the court because of its weak democratic justification.
30
Although it also
touched on the very nature of East Central European
coordinated transitions,
this discussion can be placed within the general debates on the final guardi-
ans of the constitution. The main question was supposedly which organ pos-
sesses the “final word” in matters of constitutional justice. In this way the rival
scholars were revolving judicial interpretive authority, as well as its mandate
to review the constitutionality of legislative acts.
It is noteworthy that Sólyom’s approach vindicated even the status of a substi-
tute constitution-making authority, much beyond the role of final constitutional
arbitrator, as opposed to the Dworkinian theory, which argues for constitutional
review only by saying that democracy does not insist on judges having the last
word in constitutional issues, but it does not insist that they must not have it.
31
We may say that anti-parliamentarian sentiments from the constitution-
interpreting authority in an emerging parliamentary democracy seem para-
doxical. Unfortunately, the fight over “who has the final say” overshadowed
those pluralistic and cooperative approaches, highlighting that parliament
and constitutional court may mutually react to each other’s activity.
As regards to methods of interpretation of constitutional rights, we also find
a special hierarchy. By explaining the invisible constitution, the Chief Justice
and his fellow justices declared that human life and dignity have the great-
est value in the constitutional order. Furthermore, “the rights to human life
and human dignity form an indivisible and unrestrainable fundamental right
which is the source of and the condition for several additional fundamental
rights.”
32
Subsequently the Court added that the freedom of expression, the
so-called “mother right” of fundamental rights of communication (freedom of
the press and all media, as well as freedom of information), also takes a special
place in the hierarchy of rights. Although this privileged place does not mean
that this right may not be restricted – unlike the right to life or human dignity –
it nonetheless necessarily implies that the freedom of expression must only
give way to a few rights; that is, the laws restricting this freedom must be strictly
construed.
33
Finally in this line, the Court stated further that this second-best
30
B. Ackerman, The Future of the Liberal Revolution (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press,
1992), Ch. 6. See also S. Holmes, “Back to the Drawing Board” (1993) 2 East European Con-
stitutional Review 21; S. Holmes and C. R. Sunstein, “The Politics of Constitutional Revision
in Eastern Europe,” in S. Levinson (ed.) Responding to Imperfection: Theory and Practice of
Constitutional Amendment (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1995), 300.
31
R. Dworkin,
Freedom’s Law: The Moral Reading of the American Constitution (Oxford: Oxford
University Press, 2005), 7.
32
Judgment 23/1990 (X. 31.) HCC.
33
Judgment 30/1992 (V. 26.) HCC.